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GOD IN HISTORY: 



;[ 



ACCOMPLISHMENT OF HIS PURPOSES 



r«i 



A5 DECLARED BV HIS 5EKV.VNT* 



THE PROPHETS, 



EXEMPLIFIED I> THK 



CIVIL AXD ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE WORLD. 



BY KEV. JABEZ B. HYDE. 

First received Missionary among the Seneca Indians- 



'* SURELY THE LORD GOD WILL DO NOTHING, BUT HE REVEALETH HIS SECRET 
UNTO HIS SERVANTS THE PROPHETS:" AMOS 3: 7. 



BUFFALO: 
STEAM PRESS OF JEWETT, THOMAS & CO 

Commercial Advertiser Buildings 



1848. 



fTT See IfiLtst page of cover. 



GOD IN HISTORY: 



OR THE 



ACCOMPLISHMENT OF HIS PURPOSES 

AS DECLARED BY HIS SERVANTS 

THE PROPHETS, 

EXEMPLIFIED IN THE 

CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 

OF THE WORLD. 



BY REV. JABEZ B. HYDE, 

First received Missionary among the Seneca Indians. 



SURELY THE LORD GOD WILL DO NOTHING, BUT HE REVEALETH HIS SECRET UNTO HIS 
SERVANTS THE PROPHETS:": — AMOS 3: 7. 



BUFFALO : 
STEAM PRESS OF JEWETT, THOMAS & CO. 

Commercial Advertiser Buildings. 

1848. 



,H«A* 



J 



'•', ... .; . .. .- 

18 1929 

rmy and 






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INTRODUCTION. 



The plan proposed for this work, is to bring up the civil and political 
history of the world from the beginning of the Christian Era — noticing the 
political changes which have taken place in each century — the Sovereigns 
who reigned — their character — the length of their reign — the changes 
and revolutions which occurred, and by what means, and by whom effected. 
These are to be given in sufficient detail to afford a general view of the 
state of the Roman world, in the different periods, as we pass over them — 
comparing the transpiring events with the prophecies, which are supposed 
to have reference to them. 

The Saviour forewarned the disciples that the first sign of the approach 
of the destruction of Jerusalem, would be that "they should hear of wars 
and rumors of wars." Instead of simply saying that from eight to ten 
years prior to that event, the Roman Empire was fearfully convulsed with 
revolutions, our plan is to give some details of the particular manner in 
which it was convulsed, the principal actors, and the character of these 
"wars a-Tid rumors of wars." — The same course will be pursued in relation 
to the x ^phetic vision seen by John when he was called up into Heaven, 
to be shown those things which should be hereafter — the book with seven 
seals, which contained the whole mystery of God that remained to be ful- 
filled, as had been declared by his servants, the Prophets; that is, the 
whole purpose of God concerning the world to its consummation. 

In the Book of Seven Seals, six of them contained specified events fol- 
lowing each other in regular succession. The first of these emblems was 
a white horse, "and he that sat on him had a bow ; and a crown was given 
unto him and he went forth conquering and to conquer." These emblems 
denote peace and victory. Peace in the world, and the triumphs of the 
gospel in the period to which it relates. Instead of simply declaring that 
such a state of things did follow, soon after the publication of this prophe- 
cy, our plan will ensure sufficient of detail to show in what manner, and at 
what time the events occurred answering exactly to the emblem. The 
same course will also be pursued in relation to the three following seals : 
the Red, the Black, and the Pale Horse, and the riders who sat on them. 
All these symbols represent varied and dire calamities which were to come 
upon the world, and our aim will be to show the particulars of their fulfil- 
ment. The fifth seal does not relate, strictly speaking, to particular events, 
but represents the sufferings of the martyrs during the period which will 
be passed over in considering the first four. It rather belongs to the his- 
tory of the church, and will be treated of in another division of our sub- 
ject. In the sixth seal, the emblems denote great events — fearful revo- 
lutions, overturnings and casting down from high places. As in the other 
A 



4 INTRODUCTION. 

seals, our object will be, from historical facts, to show events, answering to the 
bold emblematical figures of the prophecy. In the seventh seal there are no 
specific events. It contains seven trumpets ; six of these represent as many- 
specific events : or in their progress, consummating six epochs. As in the 
seals, we shall present historical facts corresponding to the emblems. 
These trumpets embrace the prominent political events which are to take 
place to the end of the world, except those contained in the seven last 
vials, and Ezekiel's Gog and Magog, in the 30th and 39th chapter of his 
prophecy — which is still future — as nothing like it is to be seen in the 
Revelation. It appears an isolated event preceding the vials. 

After having completed the political history according to the outline of 
the plan above given, we shall proceed to take up the history of the Church 
through the same period: — the eminent men in the church — their doc- 
trines and practice — the errors and heresies propagated in different cen- 
turies — the great falling away — the rise of the " Man of Sin," — his long 
continuance, and the witnesses who have prophesied in sack cloth in eve- 
ry age since his rise — where they had suffered and who they have been. 
But our plan will be more fully unfolded as we proceed. 

It should be observed that as Israel, under the Old Dispensation, was 
the "Valley of Vision," in which God was pleased to manifest His moral 
perfections, in actual life, the "Lord, Lord God, merciful and gracious — 
long suffering, and abundant in goodness and in truth, keeping mercy for 
thousands — forgiving iniquity, and transgression and sin, and that will by 
no means clear the guilty."* So under the gospel dispensation, He chose 
the Roman Empire in which to display the like attributes in the fulfillment 
of the prediction of His Prophets, as well as the character of man under 
every variety of circumstances. Therfore the history of the affairs of other 
nations will not be embraced, only as they are connected with that Empire. 

The Author, like all others, except those who have written the history 
of their our times, is indebted to those who have gone before him, for the 
facts and incidents whereof he writes. The authorities from which he has 
drawn most largely, are Gibbon, for his secular history. First because his 
is a work of deep research. Second : because those who have read him 
will not suspect that he has shaped his narative of events to accommodate 
prophecies. 

For his eclesiastical history, he has consulted Milner, Neander, and 
Fuller's British Church History. Of Milner he has made more use than of 
any other. His object has been to condense these histories and show by 
them the progress and the accomplishment of the several prophecies. He 
frequently uses their own language, and often without the usual marks of 
quotations. 

On the prophecies he has consulted Newton, Scott, Faber and Town- 
send. While he would acknowledge his indebtedness to those authors, it 
will be seen that he differs in some respects, materially from them. 

* Exodus 34—6, 7. 



CHAPTER. I 



SECULAR HISTORY. — FIRST CENTURY 



THE EMPERORS WHO REIGNED IN THIS CENTURY THEIR CHARACTER THE 

PROMINENT EVENTS OF THE PERIOD AND THE PROPHECIES FULFILLED IN 
THEM. 

B. C. 30. — Augustus was the first Emperor of Rome, and reigned forty 
four years. About the thirtieth year of his reign " the Word was made 
flesh and dwelt among us." This is the beginning of the Christian Era. 
Tiberius succeeded Augustus and reigned twenty-three years. Luke says 
that John the Baptist began his ministry in the fifteenth year of the reign of 
Tiberius. Christ was crucified during his reign, and it, is related that Pi- 
late wrote to him on account of the Life, Miracles and Passion of the Lord 
Jesus, which Tiberius communicated to the Senate, with a request that 
Jesus should be honored among the gods of the Romans, which the Senate 
refused on account of the recommendation coming from the Emperor — 
as that body was exceedingly jealous of its rights and prerogatives. Cali- 
gula, a weak, cruel and rash prince, succeeded Tiberius and' reigned four 
years. Next came Claudius, who reigned fourteen years. Now suc- 
ceeded Nero, and reigned also fourteen years. "Nero," says Gibbon, 
" involved the whole empire in his ruin. In the space of eighteen 
months, three princes perished by the sword, and the Roman world was 
shaken by the fury of contending armies." These three princes were 
Galba, Otho, and Vitellus. These fearful scenes were enacted a few years 
before the destruction of Jerusalem. Why may not these be the "wars 
and rumors of wars" which the Saviour forewarned his disciples they should 
hear as the first sign which was to precede that event ? The whole reign 
of Nero was marked with cruelty and blood. The christians were persecu- 
ted with unrelenting violence and thousands suffered death in all the forms 
of torture which the malice and ingenuity of their persecutors could invent. 

The closing up of these bloody scenes, was the establishment of Vespa- 
sian on the throne of the Csesars. He reigned ten years in much mildness, 
and was succeeded by his son Titus, who appears to have been the chosen 
instrument of God, to execute the threatenings of our Saviour against Jeru- 
salem. This was, however, before he was Emperor, and while he was 
chief commander of the Roman armies. Titus reigned but three years, 
and was succeeded by Domitian, who occupied the throne fifteen years. 
Nerva, a virtuous prince succeeded him — but his reign was short, being 
only sixteen months. This completed the first century — a period before 
John was shown the things that should be hereafter and consequently will 
not be found in his book of prophecies — Revelations. 

A celebrated Historian (Gibbon) in speaking of the characters of the 
Emperors who succeeded Augustus, says. "Their unparalleled vices and 
the splendid theatre on which they acted, have saved them from oblivion. 
The dark and unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Caligula, the feeble Claudius, 
the profligate and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellus and the timid, inhuman 



6 

Domitian, are condemned to everlasting infamy." During the four score 
years — excepting the short and doubtful reign of Vespasian — Rome 
groaned beneath an unremitting tyranny which exterminated the ancient 
families of the Republic, and was fatal to almost every virtue, and every 
talent which arose in that unhappy period. 

It was in this untoward state of the world, that the gospel was promulga- 
ted amidst these moral ruins, and that with great success in reclaiming 
great numbers during that period, and forming a noble band of martyrs. 
Had not Gibbon's eyes been holden by prejudice and enmity to the gos- 
pel, he would have seen that virtue had not left the earth, but shone with 
a humble lustre, before unknown in the heathen world. During the reign 
of these tyrants, the church had peace excepting a few years of the perse- 
cution of Nero, and the latter part of the reign of Domitian — yet, all along, 
was subject to violent popular outbreaks, as in the days of the Apostles. 

SECOND CENTURY. 



This century began with the renowned Trajan, who reigned seventeen 
years and was succeeded by Adrian, who reigned twenty-one years. He 
was succeeded by Antonius Pius, who reigned twenty-three years, and was 
succeeded by Marcus Antonius, who reigned nineteen years. Commodus 
succeeded him and reigned thirteen years, and was succeeded by Pertinax, 
a prince renowned for his virtue, who reigned but eighty-six days, when he 
was overcome and slain by Severus, who reigned eighteen years in cru- 
elty and savage ferocity. During the last eight years of his reign, he was 
a violent persecutor of the church. This brings us to . the close of the 
second century, and live or six years into the third. 



THIRD CENTURY, 



Before entering upon the events of this century, we will quote from Gib- 
bon, a passage, relating to the condition of the world. " If a man were 
called upon to fix a period in the history of the world, during which the 
condition of the human "race was the most happy and prosperous, he would, 
without hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to 
the succession of Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire, was 
governed by absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. 
The armies were restrained by the firm and gentle hand of four successive 
Emperors, whose character and authority commanded involuntary respect. 
The forms of civil administration were carefully preserved by Nerva, Trajan, 
Adrian, and the Antonies, who delighted in the image of liberty, and were 
pleased with considering themselves as the accountable ministers of the 
law." Yet Trajan and Marcus were persecutors of the christians — Trajan 
the last half of his reign and Marcus the whole of his — facts which will be 
considered in the history of the church. 

The eighty years embraced in the reigns of Trajan, Adrian, Antonius 
Pius, and Marcus Antonius, there can be no doubt, is the period under the 
emblem of the White Horse, — the first seal of Revelations. The Chro- 
nology exactly agrees as it immediately follows the publication of the proph- 
ecy, which must have been the very last of the first — or the begining of 
the second century. The emblems denote peace and victory. Peace to 



the world and the triumphs of the Gospel. Both were conspicuous at this 
period, as will be shown in the history of the church. " And I saw, and 
behold, a white horse ; and he that sat on him had a bow ; and a crown 
was given unto him and he went forth conquering and to conquer." 

But different scenes awaited the world for nearly another century from 
the accession of Commodus, about A. D. 181. They cannot be better 
described than in the language of the second seal ; " and there went out 
another horse that was Red ; and power was given him that sat thereon to 
to take peace from the earth, and that they should kill one another ; and 
there was given unto him a great sword." 

Of Commodus it may be said, as of Manassah of old, at Jerusalem : he 
filled Rome with innocent blood — the best families were almost extermi- 
nated — great numbers of Senators fell by his hand. The worst part of 
the French revolution, in its executions and murders, did not exceed those 
of Commodus during the last half of his reign. And then the fall of 
Pertinax and Julianus ; with the accession of Severus, wading to a throne 
in blood — by vanquishing, after several hard fought battles, two rival gen- 
erals — Albinus and Niger, each equaling him in military skill and in the 
number and discipline of their respective armies ; and not only this but 
destroying the cities, and provinces which favored them.. Here was an 
accomplishment, in part, of the commission of the Red Horse ; " that they 
should kill one another" 

As before remarked, Severus reigned eighteen years — extending five 
or six into the third century. This century therefore commences in his 
reign. He left the empire to his two sons, Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla 
murdered Geta in the arms of their mother, who attempted to protect her 
son. 

Caracalla was a most wretched man. Gibbon says " that neither busi- 
ness nor pleasure, nor flattery, could defend him from a guilty conscience ; 
and he confessed, in the anguish of a tortured mind, that in his disordered 
fancy he often beheld the angry forms of his father, and brother rising into 
life to threaten and upbraid him. The tyranny of Tiberius, Nero and 
and Domitian, who resided mostly at Rome, or in the adjacent villas, was 
confined to the Senatorial and equestrian orders : But Caracalla was the 
common enemy of mankind. He left the capital (and never returned to it) 
about a year after the murder of Geta. The rest of his reign was spent 
in the several provinces of the empire ; particularly those of the east, and 
every province was by turns the scene of his rapine and cruelty, The 
Senators, compelled by fear to attend his capricious motions, were obliged 
to provide daily entertainments at an immense expense, which he aban- 
doned with contempt to his guards ; and to erect in every city magnificent 
palaces and theatres which he either disdained to visit, or ordered imme- 
diately thrown down. The most wealthy families were ruined by partial 
fines and confiscations and the great body of the subjects were oppressed 
by ingenious, and aggravated taxes. In the midst of peace and upon the 
slightest provocation, he issued his command at Alexandria, in Egypt, for a 
general massacre. -From a secure part in the temple of Serapis, he 
viewed and directed the slaughter of many thousand citizens as well as 
strangers, without distinguishing either the number or the crime of the 
sufferers. Since, as he coolly informed the senate, "all the Alexandrian's 
those who had perished, and those who had escaped were alike guilty. 



This monster, Caracalla, reigned six years, and was assassinated without 
any popular outbreak. Macrinus succeeded him and reigned nearly one 
year when he was overthrown in battle, and was succeeded by Bassianus, 
grand son of Severus, in the female line, but known in history as Elagabu- 
lus or Heliogabulus, priest of the Sun, claiming to be pontiff and favorite 
of that deity, he assumed the sacred name (Elagabulus.) He professed to 
perform all things in a religious manner; but his debaucheries, infamy and 
degradation are almost incredible. He was slain by the praetorian 
guards, after an infamous reign of three years and nine months, without 
any popular tumult, his body was dragged through the streets of Rome 
and thrown into the Tiber, and his memory branded with eternal infamy 
by the Senate and ratified by posterity. This monster was succeeded 
by his cousin Alexander, who, with his mother Mamea, reigned thirteen 
years. These were persons of another character. For in the midst of 
wrath God remembereth mercy ; he does not proceed to extremes in this 
world, that men should not perish from off the earth. He says to the 
destroyer "see that thou hurt not the oil and the wineT God will spare some 
comforts in the greatest extremities, to most ill deserving communities 
and individuals, until they shall be given up. "He stayeth his rough wind 
in the day of the east wind." even over the Roirian world sinking in her 
dissoluteness, even in a time when it was given up to kill one another with 
the sword. And during the reign of these monsters the church had enjoy- 
ed repose and protection. Caracalla did not repeal the edicts of his father 
Severus against the christians,, but issued another edict, that any person 
complaining of christians as such should be capitally punished. We shall 
meet with a curious case in the history of the church under his reign where 
the informer, and the christian, were both put to death by law — the one 
for informing against a christian, and he for avowing he was one. Elaga- 
bulus was tolerant to christians, and previous to being cut off, was purpo- 
sing to build a splendid temple for the Jews and christians, over which 
doubtless he intended to preside. 

That we may better see the providence of God in this affair, and the 
work of his hand, and the instruments he employs, we will turn back to 
Severus : Though in his youth, under Marcus, he was a bitter persecutor 
of the christians, at Lyons where he acted as Judge, he was afterward, 
through the influence and kindness recived from Proculus, through whose 
instrumentality he was raised from a dangerous sickness, favorably dispo- 
sed towards them, until the tenth year of his reign. Returning from his 
victories in the east, he established himself absolute master of the Roman 
world. In his pride he forbid christians to proselyte to their faith. The 
christians refused to obey : for this refusal he felt his honor concerned to 
bring them to submission, which resulted in a cruel persecution af all ages 
and sexes. Proculus, he retained in his family while he lived, but he died 
before this change in Severus. Julia, Caracalla's mother, was a superior 
woman, whatever might have been her views of Christianity, probably fa- 
vorable, though she sunk under her afflictions in the conduct and loss of 
her sons. On the accession of Macrinus, finding herself degraded from an 
empress to a subject, she withdrew herself by taking her own life. But 
Caracalla was early impressed in favor of christians. On one occasion 
while in play with one of his mates the lad was accused and beaten as a 
christian, not only by the rabble around him, but his own father joined in 



9 

the persecution. Severus looking on, and approving their conduct. 
Caracalla was so grieved and indignant at the deed, that for a long time he 
could not see his father but with abhorence and detestation ; and very 
probably here was the germ of that deadly hate, which led Caracalla to 
seek the life of his father ; however that may be, with all the desperation 
and profligacy of his character, his prepossessions were in favor of Christian- 
ity. Perhaps this is not a solitary case, for other desperate men in other 
ages, who in early life have been impressed in favor of the gospel, in all 
their subsequent abandonment may not wholly loose that impression, and 
if not brought to repentance their impressions may remain in favor of Chris- 
tianity, as the true religion. 

Julia had two daughters, both widows each having a son : Soaemies the 
mother of Elagabulus, and Mamaea the mother of Alexander. He was a 
modest and dutiful son, seventeen years of age when invested with the 
purple. Mamaea was virtualy at the head of the government, though she 
declined the useless prerogative, and a solemn law was enacted excluding 
women forever from the senate, and devoting to the infernal gods, the head 
of the wretch by whom this section should be violated. The substance 
not the pageantry of power was the object of Mamaea's only ambitior. 
She maintained an absolute and lasting empire over the mind of her son, 
and in his affection the mother could not brook a rival. She persuaded 
him to divorce a wife he had married with her consent before his elevation, 
drive her from the palace and banish her to Africa. 

Notwithstanding this act of jealous cruelty as well as some other instan- 
ces of wrong with which she is charged, the general tenor of her admin- 
istration was equally for the benefit of her son, and of the empire. With 
the approbation of the senate, she chose sixteen of the wisest and most 
virtuous of that body as a perpetual council of state, before whom every 
public business of moment was to be debated and determined. The cele- 
brated Ulpian, equally distinguished for his knowledge of, and respect for 
the laws of Rome, was the head, and the prudence and firmness of this 
aristocracy restored order, and authority to the government As soon as 
they had purged the State from foreign superstitions, and luxury the re- 
mains of the capricious tyranny of Elagabulus, they applied themselves to 
remove the worthless creatures from every department of public administra- 
tion and to supply their places with men of virtue and ability. Learning 
and the love of justice became the only recommendation for civil office. 
Valor and the love of discipline, the only qualification for military employ- 
ment. 

But the most important care of Mamaea and her wise counsellors, was 
to form the character of the young emperor, on whose personal qualities 
the happiness or misery of the Roman world must ultimately depend. 
The fortunate soil assisted, and even prevented the hand of cultivation. 
An excellent understanding soon convinced Alexander of the advantage 
of virtue, the pleasure of knowledge, and the necessity of labor ; natural 
mildness of temper and moderation, preserved him from the assaults of pas- 
sion and the allurements of vice. His unalterable regard for his mother, 
and his esteem for the wise Ulpian, guarded his inexperienced youth from 
the poison of flattery. 

Alexander answered the expectation caused by such a beginning, and 
training in one of the best moral characters found in profane history. — A 



10 

great blessing to the Roman world, in delivering it from that tyranny, 
dissoluteness, and misrule which had become intolerable. While God gave 
the empire a breathing spell under the administration of these excellent 
princes, they showed that they were unworthy of such a blessing. The 
dissolute became impatient under the wholesome restraint, and exclusion 
from offices of trust and emolument. They first murdered Ulpian in the 
presence of Alexander. He however put down that insurrection and 
brought the ringleaders to justice. They murmured at the influence of 
the mother in state affairs. They desired to be commanded by a chief of 
more military renown. A mutiny was excited in the camp, and Alexander 
and his mother were assasinated in their tent by Maximian, his general, who 
began his reign A. D. 235. We are destitute of evidence that Alexander 
and his mother were truly christians. Yet doubtless their outward char- 
acters were greatly improved by what they had learnt of christian ethics. 
The providence of God is observable in his compassion for dissolute and 
and ungrateful Rome in giving such princes, and for the church in preser- 
ving her from persecution, and giving her rest. Alexander had a domestic 
chapel, where he every morning worshipped those princes who had been 
placed among the gods whose characters were most esteemed. Among 
whom were placed Apollanius of Tyana, Jesus Christ, Abraham, Orpheus. 
This was incompatable with his being a devoted servant of Christ. Euse- 
bius says Mamaea was a most godly woman. In the history of the church 
we shall have better opportunity to consider this. 

God gratified the Romans, who had become impatient under the mild 
and excellent government of Alexander in prefering a man more distin- 
guished as a military chief. This they had in Maximinus to their hearts 
content. He was a savage raised up out of the dregs of society. A mon- 
ster in stature, being more than eight feet in height, his muscular strength 
and the celerity of his motions first brought him to the notice of Severus, 
" who appointed him to serve in the horse guards which always attended 
on the person of the Sovereign. He was born within the territory of the 
empire and descended from a mixed race of barbarians. His father a 
Goth and his mother of the nation of the Alani. He displayed, on every 
occasion, a valor equal to his strength ; and his native fierceness was soon 
tempered or disguised by a knowledge of the world. Under the reign of 
Severus and his son he obtained the rank of centurion, with the favor and 
esteem of both these princes, the former of whom was an excellent judge 
of merit. Gratitude forbade Maximinus to serve under the assassin of Cara- 
calla. Honor taught him to decline the effeminate, insult of Elagablus. On 
the accession of Alexander, he returned to court, and was placed by that 
prince in a station useful to the service and honorable to himself. The 
fourth legion, to which he was appointed tribune, soon became under his 
care, the best disciplined of the whole army. With the general applause 
of the soldiers who bestowed on him, the names of Ajax and Hercules, he 
was successively promoted to the first military command. Had he not 
retained so much of his savage origin, the emperor would have given his 
sister to his son in marriage. Instead of securing his fidelity, these favors 
served only to inflame his ambition, and he deemed his fortune inadequate 
to his merit, as long as he was constrained to acknowledge a superior. 
Though a stranger to real wisdom, he was not devoid of selfish cunning, 
which shewed him, that the emperor had lost the affection of the army, and 



11 

taught him to improve their discontent to his own advantage. It is easy 
for faction and calumny to shed their poison on the administration of the 
best of princes and to accuse even their virtues, by artfully confounding 
them with those vices to which they bear the nearest affinity. The troops 
listened with pleasure to the emissaries of Maximinus ; their arts succeeded ; 
Maximinus was saluted Emperor by the army,and immediately they disposed 
of Alexander and his mother. On his elevation, says Gibbon, his dark and 
sanguinary soul was open to every suspicion against those among his sub- 
jects who were most distinguished by birth or merit. Whenever he was 
alarmed with the sound of treason his cruelty was unbounded and unre- 
lenting. A conspiracy against his life was either discovered or imagined, 
and Magnus, a consular Senator, was named as the principal author o f it. 
Without a witness, without a trial, without an opportunity of defence. 
Magnus with four thousand of his supposed accomplices were put to death. 
Italy and the whole empire were infested with innumerable spies and in- 
formers. On the slightest suspicion, the first of the Roman nobles, who 
had governed provinces, commanded armies, and been adorned with con- 
sul, and triumphal ornaments, were chained on the public carriages and 
hurried to the emperor's presence. Confiscation, exile, or simple death, 
were considered uncommon instances of lenity. Some of the unfortunate 
sufferers were ordered to be sewed up in the skin of slaughtered animals, 
others to be exposed to the wild beasts, others again to be beaten to death 
with clubs. During the three years of his reign, he disdained to visit 
either Rome or Italy. His camp, occasionally removed from the banks of 
the Rhine to those of Danube, was the seat of his stern despotism : which 
trampled on every principle of law and justice, and was supported by the 
avowed power of the sword. No man of noble birth, elegant accomplish- 
ments or knowledg of civil business was suffered near his person : and the 
court of a Roman Emperor revived the idea of those ancient chiefs of slaves 
and gladiators. 

As long as these cruelties were confined to the illustrious, the rich, and 
the adventurous in the court or army, the body of the people looked on 
with indifference, and perhaps an envious pleasure ; but he seized the pub- 
lic revenue of the cities, destined to purchase corn for the multitude, and to 
supply the expences of secular games, and entertainments. By a single 
act of authority, the whole mass of wealth was confiscated for the use of 
the imperial, treasury. The temples were stripped of their most valuable 
offerings of gold, silver statutes of gods, heroes, and emperors, were melted 
down and coined into money. These impious orders could not be executed 
without tumult and blood. The whole Roman world groaned under the 
cruel oppression of Maximinus. Gibbon says "his body was suited to his soul, 
and circumstances almost incredible, are related of his matchless strength 
and appetite. Had he lived in a less enlightened age, tradition arid poetry 
might well have described him as one of those monstrous giants who se 
supernatural power was constantly exerted for the destruction of mankind. 
During the ravages of this monster, four emperors were made and slain ; 
two in opposing Maximinus ; and two deposed and slain by their own troops : 
viz. the two Gordans, Maximius and Balbianus ; Maximinus was finally slain 
by his own troops. After him the younger Gordian reigned four years. He 
was cut off by violence, and was succeeded by Philip the Arabian who 
reigned five years, a friend of christians, who desired admission among 



12 

them. But his conduct in the murder of Gordian, and the pomp with 
which he solemnised the secular games, looked like any thing but Chris- 
tianity. 

Gibbon says from the great secular games celebrated by Philip A. D. 
248, to the death of the emperor Gallienus, there elapsed twenty years of 
shame and misfortune. In this period Decius, Gallus, JEmitianus, Vale- 
rian, and Gallienus reigned. Within this period the empire was constantly 
annoyed by the irruptions and success of barbarians on every side. In ad- 
dition to these disasters from without, in which many flourshing cities became 
runious heaps, and provinces a desolate wilderness,, almost innumerable 
multitudes perished by the sword, and captivity at the same time. More than 
twenty pretenders to the throne assumed the purple, in different parts of 
the empire, and perished with their adherents ; or established themselves 
in little independent states. Most surely this answers to the description of 
the Red Horse " and the power given to him that sat thereon to take peace 
from the earth, and that they should kill one another ; and there was given 
unto him a great sword." Also the accomplishment of the two following 
seals, the Black and Pale Horse. The famine the pestilence, and the in- 
crease of ferocious beasts, glutted and nourished by the carcases of human 
victims, would multiply and occupy the ruined and vacated cities, and de- 
serted provinces, until they, in their turn, made inroads on the remnant of 
those who had escaped the above calamities. So that government was 
obliged to raise armies to repel and defend the inhabitants from the rava- 
ges of the beasts. This is not explicitly made out in Gibbon, yet we will 
hear what he says, and he will not be suspected of attempting to accommo- 
date history to agree with prophecy. After speaking of the bloody scenes 
which we have noticed he says : " But a long and general famine was a 
calamity of a more serious kind. It was the inevitable consequence of rap- 
ine and oppression, which extirpated the produce of the present, and the 
hope of the future harvest. Famines are almost always followed by epi- 
demical diseases, the effect of scanty and unwholesome food. Other causes 
must however have contributed to the furious plague, which from the 
year 250 to 265, raged without interruption, in every province, every city 
and almost every family of the Roman Empire. During some time five 
thousand persons died daily in Rome ; and many towns that had escaped 
the hands of the barbarians, were entirely depopulated." It was found, 
says he, "by an exact register kept in Alexandria, (a city of 300,000 inhab- 
itants) that more than half perished, and could we, venture to extend the 
analogy to the other provinces, we might suspect that war, famine and pes- 
tilence, had consumed, in a few years a moiety of the human species." 

Concerning the inroads of the wild beasts on the inhabitants and that 
forces of armed men were raised to repel them, we have discovered noth- 
ing in Gibbon, directly stating such a fact. Yet we see in the triumphs 
of succeeding Emperors, multitudes of wild beasts are exhibited. In the 
triumph of Aurelian, the hunting of wild beasts is mentioned as one item. 
In the triumph of Carius, Gibbon says of the spectacles, if we confine 
ourselves solely to the hunting of wild beasts, however we may censure 
the vanity of the design, or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged to 
confess that neither before nor since this time of the Romans, so much art 
and expense have ever been lavished for the amusement of the people. By 
the order of Probus, a great quanity of trees torn up by the roots, were 



13 

transplanted into the midst of the circus. This spacious forest was filled 
with 1000 Ostriches, 1000 stags, 1000 fallow deer, and a 1000 wild 
boars : and all this variety of game was abandoned to the riotous impetuosity 
of. the multitude. The tragedy of the succeeding day consisted in the 
massacre of 100 lions, an equal number of lionesses, 200 leopards, and 300 
bears. Besides these, were exhibited animals from all parts of the world ; 
Zebras, Elks, Camel-leopards, 30 African Hyenas, 10 Indian Tigers, the 
most implacable savages of the torrid zone, Rhinoceros, Hippopotamus, 32 
Elephants. 

From these new spectacles in Roman triumph, and their occurring imme 
diately after the empire had been so depopulated by the sword, famine 
and pestilence, and provinces desolated where beasts might multiply with- 
out molestation — the prediction of the fourth seal as connected with these 
other calamities — hunting wild beasts must have been a considerable avo- 
cation, or so many would not have been collected, and an art worth cultiva- 
ting, which seemed to be one end of the exhibition. These are all the facts 
that we have obtained, of the fulfillment of that part of the prophecy. We 
have seen that men were " killed with the sword, and with hunger and 
with death," in vast numbers in this period ; and, we can have no reason to 
doubt, by the beasts of the earth, from what we have seen of the specta- 
cles at their games. Dr. Scott says armies were sent out to repel the ag- 
gression of beasts — but we have not seen the details of his authority. Yet 
no doubt, he wrote advisedly. 

But to return to our history. Beside the famine, pestilence and the ag- 
gressions of the beasts of the earth, from the death of Alexander, A. D. 235 
to that of Gallienus, 268, thirty three years, the Empire had hardly any 
respite from military tyrany, revolution and blood' from within and wasting 
desolation from the barbarians without. The calamities of the empire 
seem to have come to their height in the reign of Gallienas, who held the 
throne fifteen years. Under the deplorable reign of Valerian and Gallienus, 
the empire was oppressed and almost destroyed by the soldiers, the tyrants 
and the barbarians. 



14 



CHAPTER II. 



FROM THE DEATH OF GALLIENUS, A. D. 268, TO THE AC- 
CESSION OF CONSTANTINE, A. D. 324. 



The prophecies lose their figurative character in their literal accomplish- 
ment — Shaping of events for the fulfilment of those contained in the 
Sixth Seal — .Great Princes come on the stage, by whom order and secu- 
rity were restored to the empire — The reign of Claudius Aurelius — 
The resolution of the army sent to the Senate — Interim of eight 
months to the election of Senator Tacitus — Succeeded by Probus — 
Probus succeeded by Carus, who is reported killed by lightning in 
Persia — The events which followed — His two sons Numerian and 
Carinus declared Emperors — The events which advanced Dioclesian — 
His changes in the government — Chooses Maximian his colleague, and 
the two Caesars, Galerius and Constantius — Abdication of Dioclesian 
and Maximian — Galerius fills the vacated places with Maximin and 
Severus — Constantine returns to his father a short time before his 
father's death — Constantine declared Augusta-Emperor by the army 
of Gaul and Britain — Maxentius' usurpation — Overthrows Severus — 
The Augusta-Emperor, Licinius appointed to fill his place — 111 success of 
Galerius against Maxentius — Maxentius overthrown by Constantine — 
Maximin makes war on Licinius — Is overthrown — Galerius dies a 
miserable death — The Roman Empire divided between Constantine 
and Licinius — Licinius overthrown by Constantine, who becomes master 
of the Roman world, A. D. 324. 

When we compare the foregoing history of the calamities which befel the 
empire, with the prophecies predicting them in the seals, they seem to lose 
their figurative character in their literal accomplishment. In the second 
seal, Rev. VI, 4, it is said, " And there went out another horse that was 
red : and power was given unto him that sat thereon, to take peace from 
the earth, and that they should kill one another : and there was given unto 
him a great sword." We have seen that it was a civil war, and that on a 
great scale, represented by " and there was given unto him a great sword." 
Third seal, 5th verse, " And I beheld a black horse ; and he that sat on him 
had a pair of balances in his hand," 6th verse, " And I heard a voice in 
the midst of the beasts say, a measure of wheat for a penny, and three 
measures of barley for a penny : and see that thou hurt not the oil and the 
wine." The balances denoted the weighing with care the scanty provision 
to the famishing inhabitants, black with hunger. We have heard what 
Gibbon said of the famine at this period. We have another fact we have 
not noticed, viz : that the whole policy of the government, for years, was 
directed to devise means to preserve the mass of the inhabitants from 
actual starvation, and the empire from depopulation. Another feature in 
this seal, " see that thou hurt not the oil and the wine," indicates that 
some comforts would be spared — some alleviations mingled in these dire 



15 

calamities, as we have seen were. " And when he had opened the Fourth 
seal," " and I looked and beheld a pale horse, and his name that sat on him 
was Death, and Hell followed with him. And power was given unto them 
over the fourth part of the earth to kill with the sword, with hunger and 
with death, and with the beasts of the earth." This we have seen fulfilled 
to the letter in the mingling and consummation of these three calamitous 
seals. 

From the death of Gallienus, A. D. 268, we shall see that the providence 
of God concerning the Roman world was shaping to another momentous 
revolution, consummated A. D. 324 or 6 — the subject of the sixth seal. 
We shall see these dire calamities stayed, order and subordination restored 
to the empire, discipline and victory to her armies, the barbarians driven 
beyond the Danube and the barriers of the empire. Gibbon, who appears 
to have little concern with, or discovery of a Divine Providence, notices the 
new aspect of things in the Roman State. After summing up the evils 
under which the empire had groaned, threatening her dissolution and ruin, 
he says, " It was saved by a series of great princes, who derived their 
obscure origin from the martial provinces of Illyricum. Within the space 
of thirty years, Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Dioclesian and his colleagues, 
triumphed over the foreign and domestic enemies of the State, re-estab- 
lished military discipline, strengthened the frontiers, and deserved the , 
glorious title of the restorers of the Roman world." All this gigantic 
power, we shall see, was concentrated to overthrow the Christian religion, 
and the re-establishment of Polytheism, but which resulted in its final 
extirpation in the Roman Empire. 

We must confine ourselves more to general facts. Gibbon does justice 
to the valor and ability of these princes. In the bloody and calamitous 
period we have passed over, the soldiers made and murdered emperors as 
they were bought by donatives, their passions inflamed by real or supposed 
injuries, or as they were deceived by designing men. They themselves 
became alarmed at this state of things, which destroyed all confidence and 
all discipline. Yet, two of the above Emperors, Aurelian and Probus, 
were however, murdered by their soldiers. The former under the most 
aggravating circumstances. Aurelian, though severe and prompt in his 
discipline, was yet the idol of his army. By his wise and energetic admin- 
istration he had restored order and peace at home, and protection to the 
frontiers, recovered Gaul and Britain from the usurper Tetrius, Palmyra 
from the revolted Queen Zenobia — and by a series of brilliant achievements 
had recovered the fame of the Roman arms to its ancient glory, and 
obtained for himself a name among the first of the Romans ; yet, notwith- 
standing all this, the soldiers murdered this emperor. The circumstances 
were these : his Secretary was accused of extortion, for which Aurelian 
had threatened him, and he knew he seldom threatened in vain. As the 
only means of saving himself, he artfully counterfeited his master's hand, 
and shewed the principal officers of the army a long and bloody list of 
their own names devoted to death. Without suspecting the imposition, 
they hastily resolved to secure their own lives by the murder of the empe- 
ror. But when the officers and army discovered the fraud which had been 
practised on them, after despatching the secretary and honoring Aurelian 
with becoming funeral rites, unanimously adopted a resolution, sent it to the 
senate, signified by the following epistle : " The brave and fortunate armies 






16 

of the senate and people of Rome : The crime of one man, and the error 
of many, have deprived us of our late emperor, Aurelian. May it please 
your venerable lords and fathers to place him in the number of the gods, 
and appoint a successor whom your judgment shall declare worthy of the 
imperial purple ! None of those whose guilt or misfortune has contributed 
to our loss shall ever reign over us." Though the Senate rejoiced at the 
returning respect and confidence reposed in them, yet they declined the 
perilous responsibility, and referred back the election of an emperor to. the 
suffrage of the military order. 

The troops, as if satiated with the exercise of power, again conjured 
the senate to invest one of its own body with the imperial purple. The 
senate still persisted in its refusal ; and the army in its request. The 
reciprocal offer was pressed and rejected three times, and while the obsti- 
nate modesty of either party was resolved to receive a master from the 
hand of the other, eight months had elapsed — an amazing period of 
tranquil-anarchy, (says Gibbon) — during which the Roman world remained 
without a sovereign, without an usurper, and without sedition. The 
generals and magistrates appointed by Aurelian continued to execute their 
ordinary functions with little change. 

We have introduced this here, that we may see the hand of God in 
bringing about his purposes, through the instrumentality of means, operat- 
ing on and influencing free agents to stay that effusion of blood and misrule 
which had brought the Roman world to the verge of dissolution and ruin ! 
Surely God is wonderful in counsel — " the wrath of man shall praise him, 
and the remainder he will restrain." 

The purpose of God concerning the fourth kingdom, that nameless 
terrific beast, of such diversified atrocity of character, which when Daniel 
saw in prophetic vision, filled him with amazement and distress, especially 
his protracted and successful war against the saints — the whole purpose of 
God concerning this power was not yet accomplished, therefore he appointed 
means, which, through their operation on the agencies of creatures, would 
raise the Roman world from its then ruinous state, to unity and power 
beyond what it had ever attained, and that it might put forth its full strength 
against the gospel. 

But to return to the history. The movements of\ enemies from without 
compelled the senate, after a lapse of eight months, to elect Tacitus, one 
of their number — a worthy prince, who reigned nearly seven months. 
After him, his brother assumed the purple, unasked and unfit ; his reign 
was about three months. He was removed to make room for Probus, who 
was elected by the joint suffrages of the army and senate. Of whom 
Gibbon says, " that by his active vigor, in a short reign of about six years 
he equaled the fame of ancient heroes, and restored peace and order to the 
Roman world. There was not left in the provinces a hostile barbarian, or 
tyrant to revive the memory of past disorders." Yet this excellent prince 
was murdered by his soldiers — an act committed in a sudden outbreak of 
passion for hardships imposed on them in draining a marsh, not for military 
purposes, but to improve the emperor's land. The rage of the troops 
subsided as soon as it had been gratified, and they lamented their fatal 
rashness with expressions of deep contrition. Carus succeeded Probus. 
He spent the most of his reign in his Persian expedition, where, in the 
midst of the most brilliant success, he died suddenly in his tent, supposed 



17 

by many to have been killed by lightning. Numerian, the son of Carus, 
who was with his father in Persia, and Carinus, who remained at Rome, 
were unanimously acknowledged emperors by the army and senate. Nu- 
merian's constitution was destroyed by the hardships of the service and the 
heat of the climate ; his eyes were so affected that he w^as obliged to confine 
himself to a darkened tent, or covered litter. After the death of Carus, 
no discipline or persuasion could overcome the superstitious fears of the 
soldiers, to induce them to follow up their conquest. But leave they must, 
a place where such indications of the wrath of Heaven had been manifested, 
as the killino- of their emperor with lightning. They left the Tigris, and 
by slow marches reach Chalcedon on the Thracian Bosphorus. Soon after 
they arrived, their young emperor, Numerian, was found dead in his tent. 
A military council was called, and Dioclesian elected emperor. Carinus 
and Dioclesian, with their armies, met to contend for the throne. The 
former was slain by his own officers, on the very point of victory, and 
Dioclesian left sole master of the Roman world. 

Dioclesian holds a conspicuous place in that revolution, the progress of 
which we are contemplating. Gibbon says of him, that " he was more 
illustrious than any of his predecessors. He may be considered as the 
founder of a new empire, or new order of things." As he was not indebted 
to the senate for his elevation, in the progress of his administration he 
hardly left them a name to live. From his accession, Rome ceased to be 
the seat of the empire, which she never regained until the dragon gave his 
seat to the beast, in the beginning of the eighth century. Dioclesian 
enlarged and embellished Nicomedia. There he built his palace and held 
his court. He, by gradual advances, diminished the number and abridged 
the privileges of the proud Praetorians who had so long made and disposed 
of emperors. Rome he reduced to a level with the cities of the provinces, 
and new modeled the who !e government. 

Early in his reign, Dioclesian associated with himself in the government 
Maximian, a brave, ferocious man, who had been distinguished in former 
wars. Indeed, in the appointment of all officers, civil and military, Diocle- 
sian seemed only to have respect to ability, valor, and fitness for their place, 
irrespective of whom they had formerly served, or to what party or family 
allied. For himself and his colleague, Maximian, he took the title of 
Auo'usta-Emperors. To these he added two other emperors, called Caesars 
— Galerius and Constantius. Each of these were required to repudiate 
their wives, and marry, Galerius the daughter of Dioclesian, and Constantius 
the daughter of Maximian. The wide extent of the Roman empire was 
distributed between these four emperors. The defence of Gaul, Spain and 
Britain was committed to Constantius. Galerius was stationed on the banks 
of the Danube, as the safeguard of the Illyrian provinces. Italy and 
Africa were considered as the department of Maximian ; and, for his partic- 
ular portion, Dioclesian reserved Thrace, Egypt, and the rich provinces of 
Asia. Each was sovereign within his own territory; and their united 
authority extended over the whole empire, and each was required to assist 
his colleague with his counsel or presence, as the case might require. This 
arrangement was completed about the sixth year of Dioclesian. Through 
these measures, and the valor and abilities of these emperors, the empire 
was defended from without, while the whole groaned under the burden 
which oppressed them from within. The balance of power established by 
B 



18 

Dioclesian, worked well, while it was sustained by the firm and dexterous 
hand of its founder ; and it required such a fortunate mixture of different 
tempers, and abilities, as could scarcely be found, or even expected, a second 
time ; two emperors without jealousy — two Caesars without ambition, and 
the same general interest invariably pursued by four independent princes. 
In this united, gigantic power, the whole Roman world lay quietly prostrate 
at its feet, except the clans of savages in the wilds of Europe and Asia — 
this power which the dragon was permitted to arrange and discipline, he 
stirred up to a simultaneous effort to exterminate Christianity — to exert its 
whole strength, subtlety, and all possible torture to effect the object. And 
this they did with such success that they shouted victory, and erected 
pillars, and struck medals to commemorate the achievement. But as this 
belongs to ecclesiastical history, we will only notice here, that the Christians 
were unapprised and unprepared for this visitation when it burst upon them. 
Up to the year 298, Dioclesian appeared the friend of Christians ; his 
palace was full of them ; his wife and daughter, as well as servants of his 
household, were Christians : and up to the above period he had not dissem- 
bled, but was really favorable to Christians ; but he was given to magic 
and practiced the rites of divination. From bad omens and ill success 
attending the observance of these rites, he was led to suspect the failure 
was owing to the presence of a Christian servant, who made on his forehead 
the sign of the cross. From this circumstance began the Dioclesian perse- 
cution, of which we shall speak in its place. We would only say there was 
no ground to suspect that Dioclesion, in the construction of his government, 
had any design, or discovery, that it would be brought to make war with 
the church. This was the work of an invisible agent. 

But we will return to secular affairs. A. D. 305, Dioclesian abdicated 
his throne at Nicomedia, and also Maximian his on the same day at Milan. 
Dioclesian had exacted of Maximian his promise and oath, when he made 
him emperor, that he would resign his power on his advice and example. 

Gibbon says, " the balance of power established by Dioclesian subsisted 
no longer than while it was sustained by the firm and dexterous hand of its 
founder." This we shall see abundantly verified in the history of the next 
eighteen years. 

By the Constitution, Galerius and Constantius were advanced to fill the 
vacated places of these abdicated Augusta-Emperors, which would leave 
vacant their stations as Caesar-Emperors. Galerius selected creatures of 
his own to fill these places, without consulting Constantius. Maximin, his 
sister's son, an inexperienced youth, he invested with the purple and exalted 
him to the sovereign command of Egypt and Syria. At the same time, 
Severus, a faithful servant, addicted to pleasure, but not incapable of busi- 
ness, was sent to Milan to receive from the reluctant hands of old Maximian 
the Caesarian ornaments and the sovereignty of Italy and Africa. Constan- 
tius retained the western empire, Gaul, Spain and Britain. Galerius reserved 
for himself from the confines of Italy to those of Syria, with the territory 
of his two Caesars, subservient to his will, he considered his authority firmly 
established over three-fourths of the monarchy, in full confidence that the 
approaching death of Constantius would leave him full master of the 
Roman world. Constantius was old and viewed his death near, and had 
repeatedly and urgently written to Galerius to send Constantine, his son, to 
him, and to Constantine to make no delay in returning to his father. The 



19 

circumstances are these : when Constantius was promoted to the rank of 
Caesar, that event was attended with the divorce and humiliation of Helena, 
his wife, in which Constantine shared. Instead of following his father 
in the west, he remained in the service of Dioclesian, and signalized his 
valor in the wars of Egypt and Persia, and gradually rose to the honorable 
station of a tribune of the first order. Constantine was now with Galerius, 
who feared the consequences of his return to his father, whose repeated 
letters expressed the warmest desire of embracing his son. For some time 
the policy of Galerius supplied him with delays and excuses ; but it was 
impossible longer to refuse so natural a request of his associate, without 
maintaining his refusal with open rupture. The permission for the journey 
was reluctantly granted, and whatever precaution the emperor might have 
taken to interrupt his return to his father, the consequences of which he 
with reason apprehended, they were effectually disappointed by the incredible 
diligence of Constantine. Leaving the palace at Nicomedia in the night, 
he traveled through Bithynia, Thrace, Dacia, Pennonia, Italy, and Gaul, 
almost with telegraphic despatch, and amidst the joyful acclamations of the 
people, reached Boulogne as his father was about to embark for Britain, A. 
D. 306. An easy victory over the barbarians of Caledonia was the last 
exploit of the reign of Constantius. He ended his life in the imperial city 
of York, fifteen months after he had received the title of Augusta, and over 
fourteen years after he had been promoted to the rank of Caesar. Constan- 
tius was spared, and his anxious desire gratified, of embracing his son, 
Constantine, whose superior merits had been ratified by the dying emperor. 
In his last moments he beqeathed to his eldest son the care of the safety, 
as well as the greatness of the family, conjuring him to assume both the 
authority, and the sentiment of a father with regard to the children of 
Theodora, (the second wife.) which trust he fulfilled with truly paterna] 
affection, which was reciprocated by the children. 

The death of Constantius was immediately followed by the elevation of 
Constantine. The army could not hesitate a moment between the honor of 
placing at their head the worthy son of their beloved emperor; or the 
ignominy of tamely expecting the arrival of some obscure stranger, on 
whom it might please the sovereign of Asia to bestow the armies and 
provinces of the west. They were prepared with acclamation to salute 
Constantine Augusta-Emperor. Constantine dispatched a messenger with 
a letter to the emperor of the East, informing him of the melancholy event 
of his father's death, modestly asserting his natural claim to the succession, 
and respectfully lamenting that the affectionate violence of his troops had 
not permitted him to solicit the imperial purple in the regular and constitu- 
tional way. .The reception of this letter threw Galerius into a rage. He 
loudly threatened to commit to the flames both the letter and the messenger 
— but, after his rage subsided, his prudence suggested, without noticing 
the choice of the British army, that he accepted the son of his diseased 
colleague, as the sovereign beyond the Alps ; but he gave him only the 
title of Caesar, and the fourth rank among the Roman princes, while he 
conferred the vacant place of Augusta-Emperor on his favorite, Severus. 
In this way apparent harmony was preserved. Constantine did neither 
resign nor object. 

But other and heavier troubles awaited Galerius. Rome invested Maxen- 
tius with the purple. The causes which led to this, were briefly these : the 



20 

city of Rome become impatient beyond endurance, when they percieved 
that it was the settled policy of their rulers to remove from them the seat 
of government. The senate had no voice in public affairs, and were 
distinguished in nothing from other men but in the burden of their taxes, 
confiscation and banishment if they uttered any complaint. The whole 
city united with the feeble remains of the Prsetorian guards, to make one 
desperate effort to regain what they had lost. It was the wish, and soon 
become the hope of every citizen, that after expelling from Italy their 
foreign tyrants, they might have a prince who, by the place of his residence, 
and the maxims of his government, might once more deserve the name of 
Roman emperor. The popular favor determined on Maxentius, a vicious, 
incapable youth, with nothing to recommend him but his birth, being the 
son of the old emperor, Maximian. He was also son-in-law to Galerius. 

As soon as the tidings of the revolt reached Maximian, the old emperor, 
he broke loose from his retirement, and at the request of his son and the 
senate, he condescended to assume the purple. His ancient dignity, his 
experience, his fame m arms, added strength as well as reputation to the 
party of Maxentius. Severus, the colleague emperor, hastened to Rome in 
full confidence that by his unexpected celerity, he should easily suppress 
the tumult of an unwarlike populace, commanded by a licentious youth. 
But he found the gates of the city shut against him, the walls filled, with 
men and arms, and an experienced general at the head of the rebels, and 
his own troops without spirit or affection. A large body of his Moors, 
allured over by promises, deserted to the enemy. From this state of things 
at Rome, Severus was obliged to retreat, or rather flee, with precipitation, 
to Ravenna, where, by intrigues and management, he was persuaded to 
give himself up into the hands of Maximian, under the most solemn 
assurance of the preservation of his life and fortune. But ultimately 
Severus only obtained the liberty of choosing his own way of suffering 
death, with assurance of an honorable sepulchre. 

The crisis now called for the presence and abilities of Galerius. He 
entered Italy at the head of a powerful army of veterans, resolving to 
revenge the death of Severus, extirpate the senate, and cut off the citizens 
by the sword. But the skill of Maximian, his prudent system of defence 
was so well prepared to meet the invader, though he forced his way to 
within forty miles of Rome, his dominion in Italy was confined to the 
narrow limits of his camp — and in the end he was obliged to retreat and 
leave Italy in order to escape the fate of Severus. 

Galerius invested Licinius with the vacant purple of Severus, resigning 
to his immediate command Illyricum, A. D. 308. Galerius, after his retreat 
from Italy, retired to his capital, Sardus, devoting his life to pleasure, and 
about four years after, died a most awful death, as we shall notice in its 
place. 

After Italy was freed from its invaders, Maximian and his son strove 
which should be emperor. They submitted the question to the Praetorian 
guards, who decided against the old emperor ; his life and freedom however 
were respected. He then went to Galerius, professing great penitence for 
his wrong in the course he had taken ; but Galerius suspected and discarded 
him. The last refuge of the disappointed Maximian was the court of 
Constantine, where he was received with respect. And that he might 
remove every suspicion, he resigned again the imperial purple, professing 



21 

himself at length convinced of the vanity of greatness and ambition. But 
an incursion of the Franks had summoned Constantine with part of his 
army to the banks of the Rhine. After a short absence of Constantine, it 
was reported that he was dead. Without hesitation, - Maximian ascended 
the throne, seized the treasures that were deposited in the city of Aries, 
and dealt them out with a liberal hand. But before he had time to establish 
himself, Constantine returned. Maximian had only time to throw himself 
into Marseilles, where the garrison, after little delay, delivered him up ; and 
to Maximian was given the privilege of choosing the manner in which he 
would suffer death. He chose strangling by his own hand, A. D. 310. 

After the death of Galerius, Licinius and Maximin, entered into an 
arrangement for the division of his territory between them, which was but 
a truce for the present. Maxentius, intoxicated with his success, claimed to 
be the emperor of the Roman world, and the Ceesars but his lieutenants, 
to defend the frontiers. He was enraged at Constantine, for his treatment 
of his father, in not only causing his death, but in ordering his statues to be 
thrown down and his name branded with infamy. He ordered Constantine's 
in Italy and Africa, to receive the same treatment. Not content with this, 
he collected an army of near two hundred thousand men, with vast supplies 
of military stores, to invade Gaul. Constantine resolved on anticipating 
him, and carrying the war into Italy. With all possible despatch he left 
the banks of the Rhine with forty thousand men, (all he ventured to detach 
from his extended frontier,) to cross the Alps. He was on the plains of 
Italy before Maxentius' lieutenants had learnt that he had left the Rhine. 
Strong places and armies fell before him, as he approached them. At last 
he arrived at Saxa Rubra, nine miles from Rome, where Maxentius, with a 
large army, waited his approach. A battle ensued ; Constantine was victo- 
rious. After the overthrow of his army, Maxentius, in the rush of the 
fugitives attempting to escape into the city, was crowded off the bridge and 
drowned in the Tiber. Not more than four months from Constantine's 
leaving the Rhine he was master of Rome and Italy. 

There was a secret alliance between Maxentius and Maximin; also, 
between Constantine and Licinius. To Licinius Constantine had promised 
his daughter after his Italian campaign — which promise he fulfilled soon 
after his last victory. And while celebrating the nuptials, Maximin invaded 
the territory of Licinius with an army of seventy-five thousand men. 
Licinius hasted to the frontier with what troops he could collect, amounting 
to no more than thirty-five thousand men. The two emperors met — Maxi- 
min was defeated, but made his escape and lingered a most wretched life a 
short time, and died with despair and madness. 

A. D. 314, the empire was reduced to two masters— -Constantine and 
Licinius. And their families were so closely allied, it might have been 
thought that these chiefs would have been content to have given the world 
some repose — not immediately to have drenched it again with blood by 
their discords. But it was not so. Yet Gibbon admits that it was the 
restless intriguing spirit of Licinius that provoked the war. 

The first outbreak between these two emperors was A. D. 315. After 
two hard-fought battles, Licinius sued for peace, which Constantine granted 
him under some humiliating circumstances, including the loss of a portion 
of his territory. Licinius, impatient under his declining glory, resolved to 
make another desperate effort to regain what he had lost, if not the mastery 



22 

of the empire. His preparations by land and sea were beyond any thing 
known in the Roman wars. Constantine's were considerable, but far inferior 
by sea to those of Licinius. Yet Licinius was defeated both by sea and 
land with a dreadful overthrow — taken prisoner, divested of his purple, and 
soon after of his life. He was the last of the Pagan suns who sat in sack- 
cloth of hair. And Constantine became the master of the Roman world, 
A. D. 324. 

The foregoing is a brief history of the secular events of the Roman 
world, from the death of Gallienus, A. D. 268, to the accession of Constan- 
tine, A. D. 324. In our next chapter we will notice the religious aspect of 
this revolution. 



CHAPTER III. 



GENERAL REMARKS ON THE BOOK OE REVELATIONS. 



The order and character of the prophecies — The seals and trumpets 
generally secular or earthly things — Exceptions noticed — VII chapter, 
the prophecy arrested — Proceeds in the VIII and IX chapters — X 
chapter, preparatory to the introduction of the little book containing the 
prophetical history of the church - — The XI chapter a general summary 
— Remarks on — Chapter XII, more in detail — Gibbon's testimony — 
Remarks on. 

Before we enter on comparing the foregoing events with the prophecy of 
the sixth seal, we will notice something of the order and peculiar character 
of the emblems of the book of Revelations. 1st. The book shown John 
(when he in prophetic vision was called up to heaven to be " shown things 
which must be hereafter,") contained seven seals which embraced all the 
important political changes and earthly calamities to the end of time. But 
the affairs of the church are not mingled with these earthly things, only 
incidentally, as in the first seal — the peace of the world and the triumphs 
of the gospel are simultaneous, and the suffering of the martyrs in the fifth 
seal — silence in heaven preceding the first trumpet — the star falling from 
heaven in the fifth trumpet. The primary object, however, of the seals and 
trumpets is to reveal the earthly things which will take place in succession 
to the end of time. 

The seals we have considered. The first, in its mingled character — 
peace in the world — triumph and prosperity of the church. The varied 
calamities in the three following seals — the suffering of the martyrs in the 
fifth — the great civil and religious revolutions in the sixth — the war in 
heaven — the dragon and his angels cast out. This latter was not in the 
seals, but in the little book which contains the prophetic history of the 
church, cotemporaneous with that of the world ; both mingling, yet distinct 
events — the first, the overthrow of Pagan principles ; the second, of its 
civil power. 



23 

Following the opening of the seals in the sixth chapter, the prophecy is 
suspended, to give place to a review of the ground passed over, or what had 
been accomplished in the church during the accomplishment of the calami- 
ties and revolutions predicted in the seals. And what a cheering account! 
Beside those of the tribes of Israel, " that great multitude which no man 
could number, of allnations," which had come up out of great tribulation and 
washed their robes, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb; which 
now stood before the throne, saying, ' Amen; blessing, and glory, and wisdom, 
and thanksgiving, and honor, and power, and might, be unto our Clod, for 
ever and ever. A*men." There can be no doubt these were those who had 
been gathered to Christ from the first preaching of the gospel through the 
period of the seals, to A. D. 324, and most of this time a time of great 
affliction and calamity. After this sealing or numbering in the seventh 
chapter, the prophecy proceeds in the eighth and ninth chapters, under the 
emblems of trumpets. In those six trumpets are contained all the important 
political changes and revolutions that will take place to the end of time — 
except the brief and tremendous scenes contained in the seven vials, the 
contents of the seventh trumpet. Perhaps there is another exception — the 
Gog and Magog of Ezekiel may be an isolated event, immediately preceding 
the pouring out of the vials. This being sufficiently detailed by the prophet 
as to time and manner, needed no further notice. Also, the return of the 
Jews and ten tribes of Israel. The apostle having thus received the reve- 
lation of earthly things to the end of time. 

The tenth chapter opens with a vision of a mighty angel, who, from the 
glory which surrounds him, and the attributes ascribed to him, can hardly 
be any other than the Lord Jesus Christ. He had in his hand a little book 
open : " and he set his right foot upon the sea, and his left foot upon the 
earth." 

This little book contained a prophetic vision of the history of the church 
during the period passed over, as well as to the end of the world. The 
third and fourth verses following, under the emblem of the seven thunders, 
uttering their voices, and the apostles being commanded " to seal up those 
things which the seven thunders uttered, and write them not. ,, These 
seven thunders were without doubt what was comained in the seventh 
trumpet, which were earthly things, the revelation of which was to be 
arrested for the present, to bring up the history of the church, which would 
require all his attention — which he is significantly taught by eating the 
book — digesting the matter. 

But, before the prophet received the little book, he was taught by the 
most solemn and impressive representation, that the revelation contained in 
the little book embraced no other period of time than that contained in the 
seals and trumpets, and would terminate with them. " And the angel which 
he saw stand upon the earth and upon the sea, lifted up his hand to heaven 
and swear by him that liveth forever and ever, who created heaven and the 
things that therein are, and the sea and the things which are therein, that 
there be time no longer : But in the days of the voice of the seventh angel 
when he shall begin to sound, the mystery of God should be finished, as 
he hath declared by his servants the prophets." Rev. X. 5 — 7. 

The attention of the prophet being fixed, there was first given to him the 
general outlines of the prophecy in the eleventh chapter, during the whole 
period of the prophecy he was about to receive, of which he afterward 



24 

received the details. He, in this chapter, was shown that the great body of 
the nominal church, under the emblem of the temple of God, would become 
so corrupt that they would not bear measuring by the word of God, and 
would be rejected as Gentiles not belonging to him. This state of things, 
from a time hereafter designated, would continue forty and two months, or 
1260 prophetic days. But during the whole period of this fearful apostacy 
there would be continued a remnant of inward spiritual worshippers, whom 
the Lord Jesus calls " my two witnesses" — competent testimony to the 
truth! " And they shall prophesy" (hold up the truth) " one thousand two 
hundred and threescore days, clothed in sackcloth" — deeply afflicted that 
such abominations should abound in the visible church, as professed service 
done for Christ. In the fourth verse, under the emblems of the two 
candlesticks and the two olive trees, is represented the excellency of the 
character of these witnesses for God, the only fruit acceptable to Him, and 
the only true moral light in this dark world. 

By the figures contained in the iifth and sixth verses arc represented the 
Divine protection and shield, which God has thrown around his people ; and 
notwithstanding their enemies are left to " practice and prosper," wear them 
out, and make themselves drunk with their blood, and that for many days. 
Yet they are safe ; and their prayers are prevalent to ward oft' whatever 
would really injure them; yea, what was not needful to exercise their 
humility, faith and patience, and manifest their fidelity to Christ, which 
nothing could overcome. They had power with God to inflict what evils on 
their enemies were necessary to restrain them, or take them out of the 
way by divine judgments, when the good of his people required it; " and 
have power over waters to turn them to blood, and to smite the earth with 
all plagues, as often as they will." 6th verse. 

And yet, notwithstanding God's people,. his witnesses, are so precious in 
his sight that he suffers no creature to harm them, " and causes all things 
to work together for their good." Yea, though their prayers are prevalent 
for every thing agreeable to his will, and for their best interest, and most 
for the Divine glory, yet when they shall have finished their testimony 
(their 1260 prophetic days, clothed in sackcloth) the beast that ascendeth 
out of the bottomless pit shall make war against them, and shall overcome 
them, and kill them. Their dead bodies are represented as not buried, 
but exposed to public view three and a half prophetic days, to be exulted 
and triumphed over as a final victory, " and they of the people, and kindred, 
and tongues, and nations, (very extensive and general,) shall see their dead 
bodies three days and a half," " and they that dwell upon the earth shall 
rejoice over them, and make merry ; and send gifts one to another ; because 
these two prophets tormented them that dwelt on the earth." And after 
three days and a half the spirit of life from God entered into them, and 
they stood upon their feet; and great fear fell upon them which saw them; 
and they heard a great voice from heaven, saying, ' Come up hither ;' and 
they ascended up to heaven in a cloud; and their enemies beheld them." 
1 — 12 verses. By this we understand that the days of the warfare of the 
church are accomplished; she now puts off her sackcloth. We shall see 
her again in this prophecy clothed in white, standing on a sea of glass 
mingled with fire, with the harps of God in their hands, while the angels 
go forth with the vials of the wrath of God, to pour them upon an ungodly 
world. 



25 

After the ascension of the witnesses and the earthquake which followed, 
13th v., it is said, * the second woe is past, and behold the third woe cometh 
quickly." The second of the three woe trumpets, or the sixth trumpet, 
fixes the chronology, as all the events, of which the foregoing is a summary, 
are accomplished in the sixth trumpet. Then immediately follows the 
sounding of the seventh trumpet, in which is contained the seven last 
plagues, and when it " shall begin to sound, the mystery of God shall be 
finished, as he hath declared by his servants, the prophets." That is, ail 
the affairs of this world will be wound up. 

Then the summary is more brief; showing the triumph and universal 
prevalence of the gospel over the whole earth, and how holy beings were 
affected by this joyful event, which we shall find more circumstantially 
detailed hereafter. 

The apostle having, in the Xlth chapter received the general summary 
of events, the Xllth proceeds with the details of the period passed over ; 
which goes back to the setting up of the Christian dispensation, or the first 
preaching of the gospel by the apostles after the ascension of their Lord 
— in language highly figurative. In the first verse, it says, " And there 
appeared a great wonder in heaven." By Heaven, here, we are to under- 
stand the moral or religious world, in distinction from earthly things, which 
had been treated of under the seals and trumpets. They greatly wondered 
at the appearance of "a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under 
her feet." This woman represented the church — an emblem of her being- 
justified, sanctified, and irradiated, by virtue of her union with Christ, the 
Sun of righteousness. " The moon under her feet," denotes her superi- 
ority to the reflected, feeble light of the Mosaic dispensation, and to the 
love of all sublunary objects. " And upon her head, a crown of twelve 
stars," represents her honorable maintenance of the doctrines of the twelve 
apostles. " And being with child, cried, travailing in birth, and pained to 
be delivered," represents the afflicted state of the church in the three first 
centuries, during which time, amidst many hardships and persecutions, 
with fervent prayers, and earnest labors, she sought deliverance from her 
oppression, and an increase of her family, and waited the appointed time, 
which was to bring a happy crisis to these, her sorrows. As a specimen, 
the apostle says to the Galatians, " My little children, of whom I travail in 
birth again, until Christ be formed in you." Gal. IV, 19. 

In the explanation of these emblems, we have adopted the interpretation 
of Bishop Newton and Dr. Scott, except where Scott says, " The church, 
under the common emblem of a woman, the mother of individual believers, 
derived its original from heaven, and being destined to return thither, was 
beheld by the apostle in vision in heaven." Though it is true that " the 
church derived its original from heaven, and is destined to return thither," 
yet this is not the subject here treated of, but of moral and religious things, 
in distinction from the earthly things before treated of in the seals and 
trumpets. This world is the theatre on which both are displayed, and the 
scenes acted — not in the invisible heavens. 

We shall now notice the matters of fact by which the interpretation is 
sustained. The wonder, (see the lid Chap. Acts, 1 — 12) "And when the 
day of Pentecost was fully come, they [the apostles] were all with one 
accord in one place. And suddenly there came a sound from heaven, as of 
a rushing mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they were sitting. 



26 

And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and began to speak with 
other tongues." " And there were dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, devout 
men, out of every nation under heaven. Now when this was noised abroad, 
the multitude came together, and were confounded, because that every 
man heard them speak in his own language. And they were all amazed, 
and marvelled, saying one to another, Behold, are not all these that speak, 
Galileans ? and how hear we every man in our own tongue, wherein we 
were born ?" Then follows a list of sixteen nations and tribes of men, who 
said, " We do hear them speak in our own tongues the wonderful works of 
God. And they were all amazed, and were in doubt, saying one to another 
what meaneth this ?" 

Here was a flood of moral light, before unknwn, burst upon the world, 
which filled all who witnessed it with wonder and amazement. The miracle 
would excite the attention of the multitude, who were amazed to be 
addressed every one in the tongue in which he was born ; but to hear the 
wonderful works of God seems to have more affected a goodly number ; 
while others mocked and treated the whole as a drunken revel. 

Doubtless, most of these devout men of every nation, were those who, 
through their intercourse with the Jews scattered among them, had been 
recovered from the reigning polytheism around them, and believed in the 
one living and true God, " and that salvation was of the Jews," or, in 
other words, the Jewshad the knowledge of the way of acceptable worship ; 
and for this purpose these devout men had come up to Jerusalem, and 
were doubtless more or less oppressed with a sense of their sins, and a 
desire to propitiate the divine favor. It is probable that they had but a 
glimmering of the reflected light of that dispensation. But when the full 
light of the gospel burst upon them ; the extent and spirituality of the law ; 
the lost, ruined, helpless state of man; and salvation only through the 
sacrifice of Christ, who was the end and substance of the Mosaic dispen- 
sation, and the end of the law for righteousness to every one that believeth 
— their legal righteousness was all gone, and doubtless many of them had 
implicated on themselves the blood of Jesus of Nazareth, that only Prince 
of life whom God had raised from the dead. When they heard this, and 
felt its truth, they cried out in the anguish of their souls, " men and breth- 
ren what shall we do ?" 

Doubtless, something like this attended the preaching of the gospel in 
the first centuries, when it was successful. Indeed, in every age, when it 
has been preached in its purity, accompanied with a divine energy, the 
light has made the darkness manifest, and produced wonder and amaz ement, 
as in the Reformation, in the 1 6th century. Gibbon is, unwittingly, a good 
witness of this effect in the primitive church. In his reasons accounting 
for the success of the gospel in the first centuries, after complaining of the 
intolerant spirit of the primitive church, who, he says, "without hesitation, 
delivered over to eternal torture, the far greater part of the human species, 
but letting the heathen alone before the coming of Christ, they unani- 
mously affirmed, that those who, since the birth or the death of Christ, had 
obstinately persisted in the worship of the demons, neither deserved nor 
could expect a pardon from the irritated justice of the Deity. These rigid 
sentiments, which had been unknwn to the ancient world, appear to have 
infused a spirit of bitterness into a system of love and harmony. The ties 
of blood and friendship were frequently torn asunder by the difference of 



27 

religious faith ; and the christians who in this world, found themselves 
oppressed by the pagans, were sometimes seduced by resentment and 
spiritual pride to delight in the prospect of their future triumph." He 
then quotes Tertullian as exulting over the future miseries of their perse- 
cutors, and then resumes, " Doubtless there were many among the primitive 
christians of a temper more suitable to the meekness and charity of their 
profession. There were many who felt a sincere compassion for the dangers 
of their friends and countrymen, and who exerted the most benevolent 
zeal to save them from impending destruction. The careless polytheist, 
assailed by new and unexpected terrors, against which neither his priest 
nor his philosophers could afford him any certain protection, was very 
frequently subdued by the menace of eternal tortures. His fears might 
assist the progress of his faith and reason ; and if he could once persuade 
himself to suspect the christian religion might possibly be true, it became 
an easy task to convince him that it was the safest, and most prudent party 
that he could possibly embrace." We have given the quotation at length, 
without extracting the venom, that it might not appear garbled. 

Two things are most evident from this extract: 1st. What was the prim- 
itive faith concerning a future punishment, and that from one who was 
bitter against the doctrine. And 2nd. The thing we had in view by the 
reference that the gospel, as faithfully held up by primitive christians, 
whether by ministers or laymen, filled the pagans with wonder, astonish- 
ment and terror — " and there appeared a great wonder in heaven — a woman 
clothed with the sun." 

We need not add that the very nature of the gospel is light — the only 
moral light that has shone on our dark world — * and the light shineth in 
darkness, and the darkness comprehendeth it not." Jesus Christ is the 
light of the world, and this light is emitted through his word and through 
his people — " Ye are the light of the world." The light of the christian 
dispensation also sheds a brilliant light on the dispensation of the law ; — 
what was types and shadows of good things to come are all accomplished 
in Christ, the substance. 

" The moon under her feet," was interpreted not only as superior to, 
and superseding the reflected light of the Mosaic dispensation, and taking 
it out of the way, but also superior to the love of all sublunary things. On 
no lower terms can any be an accepted disciple of Christ, than the freely 
surrendering of every other interest — even life itself, if called to it — 
in fidelity to Christ. The apostle triumphantly appeals, " Who shall sepa- 
rate us from the love of Christ ? shall tribulation, or distress, or persecu- 
tion, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword ? As it is written, for thy 
sake are we killed all the day long ; we are accounted as sheep for the 
slaughter. Nay, in all these things we are more than conquerors, through 
him that loved us. For I am persuaded, that neither death, nor life, nor 
angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to 
come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to sepa- 
rate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord." — Rom. 
viii. 35 — 39. We have abundant testimony not only from martyrologists, 
that christians, during the three first centuries, well sustained this confident 
appeal of the apostle : but we have the testimony of enemies to their being 
indifferent to suffering, and that they would cheerfully suffer the loss of 
all things, and life itself, than prove recreant to Christ and his cause. 



28 

We need only refer to the testimony of Epictetus, Celsus, Lucian, Galen, 
Porphyry : and Pliny's Letter is also good evidence of the passiveness of 
Christians under suffering. These testimonies we shall more particularly 
notice hereafter. Antoninus Pius, in his edict directed to the Common 
Council of Asia, says to the Pagans of the Christians, " To them, it ap- 
pears an advantage to die for their religion ; and they gain their point, 
while they throw away their lives, rather than comply with your injunc- 
tions." This faith which overcame the world, that could enable christians 
to say and act in perfect consistency with what they said, " I am crucified 
to the world, and the world is crucified to me," was a great wonder in the 
Pagan world. 

" And upon her head a crown of twelve stars." Yfe have already ex- 
plained her stedfast maintenance of the doctrines of the twelve apostles. 
There are no novelties in the christian religion. All the true children of 
the church are of the household of God ; and are built upon the founda- 
tion of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief 
corner stone. — Eph. ii. 20. 

" And she being with child, cried, travailing in birth, and pained to be 
delivered." To what has already been said on this verse, we will only 
add, it is a representation of the anxiety of true christians for the extension 
of the church ; their souls yearn over the sinfulness and misery of their 
fellow men ; the madness and ruin of their course. They sigh over them : 
" that they were wise, that they understood the things which belonged 
to their peace, before they were hid from their eyes." Also they are very 
jealous for the honor of the gospel, that all who profess it should walk 
worthy of their profession ; that the family of believers may not be dis- 
honored, occasions given to the enemy to blaspheme, and weak believers 
stumble. The solicitude expressed by the apostles for the churches to 
whom they wrote, witness the intensity which they felt on these subjects; 
and may well be represented by that of a matron for her offspring, not 
only the fruit of her own body, but all the branches of the family through 
following generations. 

" And there appeared another wonder in heaven ; and behold a great 
red dragon, having seven heads and ten horns, and seven crowns upon his 
heads, and his tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven, and cast them 
to the earth : and the dragon stood before the woman, which was ready to 
be delivered, for to devour her child as soon as it was born. And she 
brought forth a man child, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron : 
and her child was caught up unto God and his throne. And the woman 
fled into the wilderness, where she hath a place prepared of God, that they 
should feed her there a thousand two hundred and threescore days. — 
Rev. xii. 3 — 6. 

Here we have another summary of the adversaries of the church. The 
dragon, the known emblem of Satan. Red, purple, or scarlet being the 
distinguishing dress of emperors, consuls, generals, popes, cardinals, bish- 
ops, his angels or distinguished agents. The seven heads denote the seven 
hills on which Rome was built, and the seven successive governments that 
have flourished there. This fixes the geography. The seven crowns on 
the heads, and not on the horns, determine the chronology. The ten horns 
are spoken of by way of anticipation. When the western empire was 
divided into ten kingdoms, we shall find the crown on the horns. The 



29 

drao'on drawing the third part of the stars of heaven and casting them to 
the earth, represents the conquests of the neighboring kingdoms by the 
Roman power, overturning their thrones, and casting down their kings. 
The dragon standing before the woman to devour her child, denotes the 
vigilance with which pagan Rome watched the church, and their politic 
measures to prevent her increase. The man child brought forth was Con- 
stantine ; and his being caught up unto God and to his throne, represents 
the divine protection of him, and his success as an instrument in the hand 
of God in delivering his church from the power of the dragon, or the pagan 
power. The woman's flight into the wilderness is spoken of by way of 
anticipation, as we shall see, if permitted to proceed. The apostle goes 
back to give further details of the operations of this power — the dragon. 

* And there was war in heaven : Michael and his angels fought against 
the dragon ; and the dragon fought and his angels, and prevailed not : nei- 
ther was their place found any more in heaven. And the great dragon 
was cast out, that old serpent, called the Devil and Satan, which deceiveth 
the whole world ; he was cast out into the earth, and his angels were cast 
out with him." — Rev. xii. 7 — 9. 



CHAPTER IV. 



SECULAR AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY MINGLED. 



What are we to understand by Michael and his angels — The Dragon and 
his angels — The period that he is called Dragon — Where his opera- 
tions — The state of the Roman Empire, and of the Church at the 
commencement of the Dioclesian persecution — Its first commencement 

— Orders to the army — Marcellus the centurion the first martyr — The 
Church unaffected while confined to the army — The instigation of 
Galerius to more violent measures — Destruction of the Church at 
Nicomedia — Second edict depriving all Christians of all honor and 
dignity — Declared outlaws — Galerius not satisfied by such mild mea- 
sures — The palace twice set on fire charged on Christians — A new 
edict devoting to the flames all of the Christian name of every age and 
sex, from the palace to the remotest parts of the empire — Milner's 
remarks — Libanius testimony — Pillars in Spain — Medals — Further 
details of the sufferings of Christians at Nicomedia — City in Phrygia 
burnt with all inhabitants — Persecution continued ten years, with 
alleviation noticed — Setting of the Pagan Suns — A temporary calm — 
Persecution revived by Maximin — His arts — discouragement of Chris- 
tians — The providence of God interposing — The excellent spirit of 
Christians — Maximin's war with Licinius — His vow to Jupiter — Defeat 

— Wretched death — Dioclesian's death — Free toleration of Constan- 
tine and Licinius — Licinius revives the persecution — Defeated and 
slain — Constantine master of the Roman World — Gibbon's testimony 

— Remarks on Gibbon — Beneficial effects of the persecution to the 
Church — her outcry emancipated civilized men from polytheism. 

We need not again repeat, that Michael, in this place, is Christ; his 
angels are ministers and all faithful Christians, male or female; they use no 



30 

carnal weapons, as we learn from the manner in which they achieved their 
victory. "And they overcame him [the dragon] by the blood of the Lamb ;" 
by simply relying on the merits of his blood, and the power of his grace, 
the prevalence of his intercession, " and by the word of their testimony." 
'■ John was banished to the Isle of Patmos for the word of God, and for 
the testimony of Jesus Christ." All the victors in this war, like the 
apostle, openly avowed their union and confidence in the Lord Jesus Christ, 
as Emanuel, the only Savior of lost men, and in fidelity to him they were 
ready cheerfully to yield up their lives, " and they loved not their lives to 
the death." — Rev. xii. 11. And Christ fought invisibly in his people — 
strengthening, encouraging, and guiding them — giving them wisdom and 
patience — comforting and sustaining them in all then* tribulation — dwell- 
ing in them, and they so simply abiding in him, that they could truly say, 
" It is not I, but Christ dwelling in me." These were the weapons with 
which they overcame the dragon — with which all the martyrs achieved 
their victories! The dragon, Satan, or the devil, fights invisibly in his 
angels, and they are wicked men in high and low places. He is called the 
red dragon here, because it has ever been the livery of emperors and 
popes and their dignitaries as before mentioned. The dragon, also, dwells 
in his angels, inspires them with his own diabolical spirit: he cannot inject 
sin into them, but he nourishes and stirs up the depravity in them to do 
his pleasure. 

The apostle had more particular reference to the legal persecutions of 
pagan Rome, which were ten, and in the tenth his civil power was over- 
thrown. Though the dragon gave his power and his seat and great 
authority to the beast ; and they worshipped the dragon who gave power 
unto the beast, Rev. xiii. 4th verse, yet, from his overthrow in the fourth 
century, the dragon, as dragon, and as a polytheist, has not persecuted the 
Church as a settled policy of his government as pagan Rome did. The 
opposition of pagans, as pagans, or polytheists, to the gospel has been 
temporary, local outbreaks since the beginning of the fourth century. 
The overthrow of this power in the revolution we are considering. This is 
the victory which the Church celebrates with such joyful triumph. "And 
I heard a loud voice saying in heaven," (in the church) " now is come 
salvation, and strength, and the kingdom of our God, and the power of his 
Christ ; for the accuser of our brethren is cast down which accused them 
before our God day and night," xii. 12th. By heaven here we are to 
understand the church on earth; how they were affected by the great 
deliverance they had experienced, and the victory that had been achieved, 
which they ascribed to God, and the power of his Christ. The circum- 
stances and emotions were similar to those of the children of Israel on 
their deliverance from Pharoah, when they safely landed on the opposite 
banks of the Red Sea : and doubtless as little apprised of the trials which 
awaited them as the Israelites were. The repose of the Church was very 
short after this victory, as is expressed : "And there was silence in heaven 
about the space of half an hour." This is found in viii. chap. 1st verse, 
yet, it will be seen, was contemporaneous with the great revolutions, the 
events predicted in the sixth seal ; the secular feature, as the casting out 
of the dragon; the religious feature of the same event. Before the con- 
tents of the seventh seal are announced, (the trumpets) notice is given that 
the repose of the church would be short, notwithstanding the signal victory 



31 

which had been obtained. Though the dragon was deprived of his civil 
power to persecute the church — and ancient idolatry was losing its credit 
— philosophers, poets and historians would no longer defend the gods, and 
intelligent men every where abandoned them, as we shall see they did 
about this time. Yet the great adversary of the Church is still recognized 
as the dragon, and the grand agent in promoting and consummating that 
calling away preparatory to the revelation of the man of sin — the beast 
To bring about that event, he had his agents every where employed to 
corrupt the church with heresy, superstition, voluntary humility, philosophy 
and vain deceit. But this we shall consider in the history of the falling 
away. This is treated of in the prophecy as the works of the dragon, 
through his angels, by whom he operated, now assumed to be Christians, 
and to be zealously engaged to promote the interests of the Church. The 
dragon retained his name until he was merged in the beast, who was 
matured or became the beast in the early part of the eighth century, to 
whom " the dragon gave his power, and his seat, and great authority." He 
is treated of in this prophecy as the life, the principle, and the prime agent 
in that power, and through whom he receives divine honors. "And they 
worshipped the dragon which gave power unto the beast." This is impor- 
tant to be observed, lest we become confused in the chronology. The 
twelfth chapter is summarily a prophecy of the trials of the Church from 
Pagan Rome, here called the red dragon: though this power did not 
legalize the persecutions of the Church before Nero, A. D. 64: more than 
thirty years before John received his revelation. Yet, as in the history of 
the Christian Church, he goes back to the beginning, so also of this enemy 
to the same period, continuing the prophetical history of this power, till it 
is broken to pieces, and the papal power formed out of the fragments. 
The prophecy has a more special reference to the trials of the remnant of 
those who were faithful in the time of this falling away, which had been 
advancing for centuries in the nominal church, flooding her with supersti- 
tion, heresy, philosophy, and almost every thing anti-christian. "And 
though the dragon was wroth with the woman, and went out" with almost 
the whole nominal church " to make war with the remnant of her seed, 
which keep the commandments of God and have the testimony of Jesus 
Christ," 1 7th verse, yet God will sustain his true witnesses in the most 
perilous times. 

Though the word dragon is used in the singular, yet it should be remem- 
bered that his name is legion — many. They are those fallen spirits 
whose character is unmixed evil, and malignity ; the instruments through 
whom they work in this world are human beings, who willingly yield 
themselves to then influence, to do their pleasure. This alone can explain 
much of the strange conduct of men. They are under a diabolical influ- 
ence, not only outraging all moral sense, but their rational nature — do evil 
often from pure love of evil, not only to their fellows, but to themselves. 
Surely they walk according to the suggestions " of the prince of the power 
of the air, the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience." Eph. 
11, 2. — But popery is the devil's master-piece. Its rise, continuance, tact, 
and management through so many centuries is super-human — beyond 
human power without foreign aid ; and that aid, from its charcter, must 
be diabolical, fully sustaining the prophecy of him u Whose coming is after 



32 

he working of satan, with all power and signs and lyino- wonders. 2d 
Thes. xi. 9. 

State of the Empire. — But to return to our subject, the consideration 
of the religious aspect of the great revolution predicted in the sixth seal. 
We have seen from the secular history of this event, that at no period of 
the Roman state had the empire attained to such an extent of dominion — 
to such a strength and union in its government as at the time of which we 
are speaking. Order and quiet, subjection within, and their vast extended 
frontier so defended that not a hostile foe ventured to disturb the public 
peace. Such was the Roman world as organized by Dioclesian. And it 
was at the zenith of its power that it commenced a persecution of the 
church, aiming in its progress, utterly to exterminate the christian name 
and sect from the earth. Such was the power of the enemy at this time. 
The weakness and unprepared state of the church for the onset was as 
extreme on the other hand. " On the side of the oppressor there was 
power," but for the oppressed church as to human aid, " there was no 
comforter." 

State of the Church. — We will now briefly notice the state of the 
church at this time. Its peace had scarcely been disturbed for 45 years. 
Dioclesian had been extremely indulgent to christians during the first 
eighteen years of his reign. His wife Prisca, and daughter Valeria, were 
christians, in some sense secretly. The eunuchs of his palace and his 
most important officers were christians, and with their wives and families 
openly professed the gospel. Christians held honorable offices in various 
parts of the empire ; innumerable crowds attended christian worship ; the 
old buildings could no longer receive them. In all cities wide and large 
edifices were erected. Of this time, Milner says, " If Christ's kingdom 
had been of this world, and its strength and beauty measured by secular 
prosperity we should here fix the era of its greatness." But, on the con- 
trary, the era of its decline must be dated during the pacific part of Dio- 
clesian. During the whole century the work of God in purity and power 
had been declining ; its connection with philosophy had been one of the 
principal causes ; outward peace and secular advantages now completed 
the corruption ; discipline was relaxed exceedingly ; bishops and people 
were in a state of malice, and quarrels without end were fomented one 
among another ; ambition and covetousness had now the ascendency 
pretty generally in the christian church. Some there were, doubtless, 
who mourned in secret and strove in vain to stop the abounding torrent 
of evil." The truth of this account from Eusebius, says Milner, seems 
much confirmed by the extreme dearth of real christian excellencies, 
from the death of Dionysius. None seem, for the space of thirty years, to 
have risen in the room of Cyprian, Fermilian, Gregory and Dionysius. No 
bishop or pastor of eminence for piety, zeal, and labors appeared.* Chris- 
tian worship was constantly attended ; the number of nominal converts 
were increasing ; but the faith of Christ now appeared an ordinary busi- 

* Can there remain a question that in our day may be seen a striking likeness in the 
protestant church to what the church was at the outbreak of the Dioclesian persecution? 
and if we are to be purged from our filthiness, where are our Cyprians and his contempo- 
raries, those holy men to conduct the church through the furnace? That we have 
many smart men there can be no doubt, if we will take their own opinion of them- 
selves, and the testimonies of their admirers, but who will stand the fiery trials that 
may be near to try every man's work of what sort it is. 



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The proposed work is contained in three series. The first commencing with the 
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GOD IN HISTORY: 



OR THE 



ACCOMPLISHMENT OF HIS PURPOSES 



AS DECLARED B¥ HIS SERVANTS 





THE PROPHETS, 



EXEMPLIFIED IN THE 



CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE WORLD. 



BY REY. JABEZ B. HYDE, 

First received Missionary among the Seneca Indians, 



SURF.I.Y THE LORD GOD WILL DO NOTHING, BUT HE REVEALETH HIS SECRET 
UNTO HIS SERVANTS THE PROPHETS:" AMOS 3: 7. 



BUFFALO : 
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C See last page of cover. 




83 

ness, and here ended as far as appears, that first great outpouring of the 
spirit of God, which began at the day of Pentecost. Human depravity 
spread a general decay of godliness through the church, and one genera- 
tion of men elapsed with hardly any proof of the spiritual presence of 
Christ with his church. The observation of Eusebius, who honestly 
confesses this declension is judicious : " The heavy hand of God's judg- 
ments, began softly, by little and little to visit us after his wonted manner, 
so that the persecution which was raised against us took its rise first 
from the christians who were in the military service. But we were not at 
all moved with his hand, nor took any pains to return to God, but heaped 
sin upon sin, thinking, like careless epicurians, that God cared not for, 
nor would ever visit us for our sins. And our pretended shepherds, 
laying aside the rules of godliness, practiced among themselves conten- 
tions and divisions." He further says, that the dreadful persecution of 
Dioclesian was then inflicted on the church, as a just punishment and a 
proper chastisement for their iniquities." 

We shall not duly appreciate the extent of the unpreparedness of the 
church in this apostate state to meet the persecution hovering over them 
unless we take into account that they could bring forward no other wea- 
pons of offence or defence, or expect to overcome " but by the blood of 
the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony," boldly maintaining their 
union and fidelity to Christ, " and not loving their lives unto the death." 
And to their honor they attempted to use no other. There were fearful 
apostacies — many denying their Lord to save their lives, some buying 
themselves off, and others resorting to artful evasion to escape torture and 
death : and there were indiscretions, but no resisting evil with evil, or re- 
sorting to force for defence. 

Commencement of the Dioclesian Persecution. — Having given this 
account of the state of the church and empire previous to the Dioclesian 
persecution, we will give a brief statement of the persecution itself. We 
have already noticed that Dioclesian's ill success in his rites of divination, 
led him to suspect the cause was the presence of a christian servant. On 
that, he not only ordered that servant but all in his palace to sacrifice, or 
on refusal to be scourged with whips. He wrote also to the officers of his 
armies to constrain all the soldiers to sacrifice, or discharge the disobedient 
from the service : and many resigned rather than to sacrifice. For Chris- 
tianity was not yet lost, nor was the decay universal. Very few were put 
to death on this account. The story of one Marcellus we will notice, 
because Gibbon undertakes to justify his death, representing him as pun- 
ished purely for desertion and military disobedience. This happened in 
the year 298 at Tangier, in Mauritania. While every one was employed 
in feasting and sacrifices, Marcellus the centurion took off his belt, threw 
down his vine branch and arms, and added, " I will not fight any lono-er 
under the banner of your emperor, or serve your gods of wood and stone. 
If the condition of a soldier is such that he is obliged to sacrifice to gods 
and emperors, I abandon the vine branch and the belt, and quit the 
service." Gibbon leaves out "if the condition of a soldier be such" as 
above. Those who ordered christian soldiers to sacrifice knew that, in 
fact, they ordered them to renounce Christianity. The consciences of 
christians were not burdened with being soldiers, but with the introduction 
of new rule, subversive of Christianity. Marcellus was beheaded; and 
C 



34 

Cassianus, who cried out against the injustice of the act, suffered soon 
after. These preliminaries of the persecution did not seem to affect 
christians in general, to stir them to prayer, or to consider their ways, a 
certain sign, says Milner, of a long and obstinate decay in godliness. God, 
who had exercised long patience, declared at length in the course of his 
providence, " Because I have purged thee, and thou wast not purged, 
thou shalt not be purged from thy filthiness any more, till I have caused 
my fury to rest upon thee." 

The vexations in the army continued. It was put to the option of 
christians whether they would sacrifice and enjoy their dignity, or refuse 
and be deprived of them. Much pains was taken to seduce the soldiers. 
Many retired, some were put to death for a terror to others. Dioclesian, 
who had so long favored the christians, had now a superstitious prejudice 
against them, but he thought at first rather to use artifice than violence : 
but Galerius, instigated by his superstitious mother, himself as supersti- 
tious, by a variety of artifices induced Dioclesian to adopt more vigorous 
measures. The day of an idolatrous feast was chosen to commence opera- 
tions against the church. This they did by commanding the guards to 
demolish the great church at Nicomedia, burning the scriptures found in 
it, and giving the rest to plunder. 

The next day an edict appeared, in which men of the christian religion, 
of whatever rank or degree, were deprived of all honor and dignity ; and 
were exposed to torture: every one might have justice against them, 
while they were deprived of the benefit of the law in all cases whatever. 
Thus was the christian world at once exposed to all possible insults with 
impunity. The spirit of man naturally revolts against injustice so flagrant, 
and a christian was found hardy enough, under the transports of indig- 
nation, to pull down and tear the edict. He was burned alive for his indis- 
cretion, and bore his sufferings with admirable patience. 

Galerius not satisfied with this, wished all the christians burnt without 
» discrimination. Not long after the palace was discovered on fire, Chris- 
tians were charged with setting the fire. The eunuchs of the palace were 
.accused, Dioclesian had his christian servants burnt in his presence. 
Galerius' servants escaped suspicion. Fifteen days after a second fire 
broke out, Galerius hurried out declaring his fears of being burnt alive. 

Dioclesian now thoroughly in earnest, raged against all sorts of men 
who bore the christian name, and obliged, among others, his wife and 
daughter to sacrifice, doubtless suspecting them at least of a secret regard 
to Christianity. Presbyters and deacons were seized and condemned in a 
: summary way to death. Eunuchs of the greatest power in the palace 
were slain, and persons of every age and sex were burnt. It was tedious 
to destroy men singly : fires were made to burn numbers together, and 
.men with millstones fastened about their necks were thrown into the sea. 
Judges were every where at work in compelling men to sacrifice. The 
prisons were full. Unheard of tortures were invented, and to prevent the 
possibility of christians obtaining justice, altars were placed in courts, at 
which plaintiffs were obliged to sacrifice before their cause could be heard. 
The other two emperors were directed by letters to proceed in the same 
violent course. Maximian, who governed Italy and Africa, obeyed with 
savage alacrity. Constantius with reluctance demolished churches, while 
he preserved the persons of christians. 



35 

The persecution pervaded the whole Roman world, except the West, 
where the mild Constantius ruled, and from east to west, to use the lan- 
guage of Lactantius, "three monsters of horrible ferocity raged." Much 
pains have been taken to depreciate the account of this persecution as well 
as other persecutions, representing that christians are vain of their suffer- 
ings, and give exaggerated accounts of them. This we can consider better 
in another place. Here we would only say, that all concede that Lac- 
tantius and Eusebius, contemporary writers, living at the same time in 
different parts of the empire, agree in their accounts. And there is no 
question that edicts were published authorizing and commanding all the 
cruelty and injustice before sketched, and these edicts continued in force 
for years, and all possible pains taken to have them enforced: that 
christians were outlaws for years ; they might be insulted, robbed, and 
killed with impunity, in tumult, or by individuals, and those who dis- 
tinguished themselves in these outrages were patronized and rewarded as 
the friends of the state and the favorite of the gods. These are facts 
which cannot be controverted. "Whoever knows," says Milner, "what 
the passions of men are capable of, when set afloat and only suffered (but 
in this case stimulated and urged on by those in high places) to act with- 
out check or control, will not doubt that the sufferings of christians in this 
period must have been far greater than can be related by any historian. 
Thus did God at once punish the sins of christians, revive his work in 
their hearts by sanctified afflictions, evidencing the extreme depravity of 
mankind, — and above all, illustrate his own power and wisdom in baffling 
the rage of Satan, and in defending and delivering his church when every 
thing seemed combined for its destruction." 

But if the testimony of a heathen should be preferred to that of chris- 
tians of the sufferings of christians, let them hear Libenius, the friend of 
Julian the Apostate, who spake the funeral oration on that emperor. 
" They who adhered to a corrupt religion (the christians) were in great 
terrors, and expected that their eyes would be plucked out, that their 
heads would be cut off, and that rivers of blood would flow from the mul- 
titudes of slaughters. They apprehended that their new master would 
invent new kind of tortures, in comparison of which mutilation, sword, fire, 
being drowned, buried alive, would appear but slight pains. For pre- 
ceding emperors had employed all these kind of punishments against 
them." He goes on to commend Julian for using milder methods. Two 
pillars in Spain were also monuments of the systematic cruelty of this per- 
secution, on one of which was this inscription: Dioclesian, Julian, Max- 
imian, Hercules, Caesars Augusto, for having extended the Roman empire 
in the east and west, and for having extinguished the name of Christians." 
On the other, this : " Dioclesian &c, for having adopted Galerius in the 
east, for having every where abolished the superstition of Christ, having 
extended the worship of the gods." One other fact Milner mentions, of 
the wasting desolation of this persecution in all parts of the world, and the 
supposed success. The medal of Dioclesian which still remains with this 
inscription, " The name of Christian being extinguished." Milner having 
introduced these authorities, as he says, against the unreasonableness of 
modern skepticism on this subject. He proceeds in detailing some facts. 
To condense these, and give an intelligent summary of transactions on 
so an extensive field, and of so long continuance, we feel to be difficult 



36 

Take Nicomedia. There were some ministers of the palace of the highest 
rank, who witnessed a good confession under a great variety of torments, 
their names are given by Eusebius, who says, the bishop of Nicomedia, 
with great multitudes of his flock, suffered martyrdom. Men and women 
leaped on the funeral piles with alacrity: the spirit of martyrdom was 
revived in the church with the persecution. In every place the prisons 
were tilled with bishops and other ministers of the church, and no room 
was reserved for felons. Martyrs were put to death in every province : 
Africa, Mauritania, Thebais, and Egypt throughout abounded with them. 
Details of individuals are given, the variety of torments they suffered, and 
the excellent spirit they manifested. 

Egypt suffered extremely. Whole families were put to various kinds of 
death, some by fire, others by water, others by decollation, after horrible 
tortures. Some perished by famine, others by crucifixion, and of these 
some of them in the common manner. Others were fastened with their 
heads downward, and preserved alive that they might die by hunger. But 
the torments in Thebais exceeded all description. Women were tied by 
one foot up on high, and exposed naked. (With what spirit must these 
persecutors have been influenced?) Others were torn by the distorted 
boughs of trees, and these scenes continued some years. Sometimes ten, 
at other times thirty, and sixty, and once a hundred, men and women, 
with their little ones, in one day, were murdered by various torments. 

Eusebius states what he himself saw, while in Egypt. He says he 
witnessed many executions in one day ; some beheaded, others burnt ; so 
that both the executioners were quite fatigued, and their weapons blunted. 
The christians suffered, he says, with the greatest faith and patience. 
There was even the strongest appearances of joy and triumph among them, 
and to the last they employed themselves in psalms and thanksgiving. He 
mentions one Phileromus, a person of great dignity at Alexandria, a man 
of wealth and eloquence, who died cheerfully for Christ at this time. Also 
Phileas, a bishop of Themituane, a man of eminence. In vain did relations, 
friends, magistrates, even the judge himself, exhort them to pity and save 
themselves, their wives and children. They loved Christ above all, and 
were beheaded. Undoubtedly these scenes demonstrate in the highest 
manner, the strength and reality of that divine influence which attended 
christians. 

This same Phileas, while in prison in Alexandria, before his martyrdom, 
wrote to his flock at Themituane concerning the sufferings of christians at 
Alexandria, their spirit, and their views, and says, " The martyrs sincerely 
fixing the eye of their mind on the supreme God, and cheerfully embracing 
death for the sake of godliness, held immoveably their calling, knowing 
that our Lord Jesus Christ was made man for us, that he might cut down 
all sin, and might afford us the necessary preparatives for an entrance into 
eternal life." (He then quotes the well known passage concerning the 
proper deity and humiliation of Christ, in the second chapter of Philip- 
pians.) " Coveting the best gifts, the martyrs, who carried Christ within, 
underwent all sorts of tortures once and again. And while the guards 
insulted them in word and deed, they were preserved serene and unbroken 
in spirit, because perfect love casteth out fear." But what eloquence can 
do justice to their fortitude ? Free leave was given to any to injure them : 
some beat them with clubs, others with rods, some scourged them with 



37 

thongs of leather, others with ropes ; some having* their hands tied be- 
hind them, were hung about a wooden engine, and every limb of their 
bodies was distended by certain machines. The torturers rent their whole 
bodies with iron nails, which were applied not only to the sides, as in the 
case of murderers, but also to their legs, their bellies, and their cheeks : 
others were suspended by one hand to a portico, and underwent the most 
severe distension of all their joints : others were bound to pillars, face to 
face, their feet being raised above the ground, that their bonds being dis- 
tended by the weight of their bodies, might be the closer drawn together, 
and thus they endured a whole day without intermission. The governor 
ordered them to be bound with the greatest severity, and when they 
breathed their last, to be dragged on the ground. No care, said he, ought 
to be taken of these christians : let all treat them as unworthy of the name 
of men. Some, after they had been scourged, lay in the stocks, their feet 
being stretched to the fourth hole. Some expired under their tortures. 
Others being recovered by methods taken to heal them, and being reduced 
to the alternative to sacrifice or die, cheerfully preferred the latter ; for 
they knew what was written, Whosoever sacriiiceth to other gods shall be 
destroyed. Thou shalt have no other gods before me." 

One city in Phrygia, being generally christian, was besieged by armed 
men and set on fire. The men with their wives and children were burnt 
to death, calling upon Christ the God over all. All the inhabitants, magis- 
trates and people, nobles and plebeians, professing Christianity, were 
ordered to sacrifice, and for refusing suffered in this manner. 

These scenes are too painful to pursue any further. It is the same 
thing over again in all the provinces ; and we know not but in all the 
cities (except in the dominion of Constantius) with little variety but a new 
list of sufferers, and new inventions of torture. Except when wearied with 
murder, and regreting the loss of so many subjects, affecting to praise the 
clemency of the emperors, they contented themselves with plucking out 
eyes, and cutting off one leg, then condemning them to the mines. The 
number of these sufferers was very great. And also it became a science 
which was studied with great diligence, to ascertain the amount and 
acuteness of torture which can be endured without extinguishing life. 

This persecution continued ten years. The abdication of Dioclesian 
brought the christians no relief; other political changes however did, in 
some parts of the empire. In the dissolute reign of Maxentius christians 
were not molested in Italy, and probably the unsuccessful expeditions of 
Severus and Galerius against him might have so occupied these emperors 
for the time, that the persecution might have relaxed. But Galerius and 
Maximius were persecutors to near the end of their lives. So was Licinius 
with a short interval. 

Perhaps we may as well here give a brief account of the setting of some 
of these pagan suns. 

Of Severus, the first of these Roman princes who fell, we know but 
little. He was a creature of Galerius, a persecutor, of course, when it was 
the rage of the whole world, except in the Gaulic provinces. Nothing re- 
markable is noticed in his death. He was suddenly overthrown and com- 
pelled to take his own life. 

Maximian. — In him we see a restless, desperate old man, hastening to 
his own destruction, and compelled to strangle himself, A. D. 30V : and 



38 

Galerius, in the year 310, was smitten with an incurable disease. All 
his lower parts were corrupted ; physicians and idols were applied to in 
vain ; an intolerable stench spread itself over the palace of Sardis, where 
he resided. He was devoured by worms ; and in this situation continued 
a whole year. Softened at length by his sufferings, in the year 311 he 
published an edict, by which he took off the persecutions from the chris- 
tians, allowing them to rebuild their places of worship, and desired them 
to pray for his health. Thus did God himself subdue this haughty tyrant. 
Prisons were opened, the prisoners were released, the confessors were 
freed from the mines, the highways were full of christians singing psalms 
and hymns to God as they returned to their friends, and Christendom at 
length wore a cheerful aspect in the world. Even pagans were melted ; 
and many who had joined in the attempt to extinguish the Christian name 
began to be convinced, that a religion which had sustained such repeated 
and formidable attacks was divine and invincible. • 

But this calm lasted not six months. Galerius, who had exceeded all 
emperors in hostility to Christ, was even exceeded by Maximin in the 
arts of persecution, who reigned in a subordinate station in the east. After 
the death of Galerius, part of his dominions fell to Maximin, who spared 
no pains, subtlety, or cruelty to extirpate Christianity. Should we enter 
into details it would exceed our limits. Falsehood and slander were paid 
for by government: enough were found to furnish supplies. Certain acts 
of Pilot and our Saviour were forged, full of blasphemy. 

An officer at Damascus obtaining a confession from some infamous 
woman, who said they had been christians, and privy to the lascivious 
practices which were committed in their assemblies on the Lord's day, 
these were registered, published, and sent everywhere, directed to school- 
masters to deliver to youth, that they might commit them to memory. 
The officer, however, who invented this calumny, soon after destroyed him- 
self by his own hand. — A plan of polite refinement appears in this re- 
newed persecution, beyond any thing that had yet been practised. Maxi- 
min did not now as formerly, slay indiscriminately or put to death numbers 
with exquisite torture. A few persons of distinction were deprived of life, 
the rest were harassed by every kind of suffering short of death, and no 
arts were left unemployed to wrest Christianity out of the mind, and 
educate the next generation in a confirmed aversion to it. The decrees of 
cities against christians which were obtained, and besides them the copies 
of imperial edicts engraven on brazen tables, were nailed and seen in 
every town. This was a new thing. The persecution in this, its last stage, 
had arrived at the perfection of diabolical ingenuity. Children in schools 
daily sounded Jesus and Pilot, and other things intended to asperse the 

& 0S P el - J . - , 

A rescript of the emperor, nailed to a post at Tyre, manifests with what 

pleasure and joy he had received the petition against the christians, — he 

venerates Jupiter and the rest of the gods as the authors of all good, 

appeals to the experience of the inhabitants how happily their affairs had 

prospered since the worship of the ancients had been restored, now blest 

with good harvests; no plagues, earthquakes, and tempest; peace through 

the empire : and how opposite to all this when Christianity prevailed. He 

desires that such as persisted still in their error should be banished from 

Tyre, according to the prayer of the petition. This rescript was a speci- 



men of the rest. There appears in his measures an ingenuity, capacity, 
and persevering activity superhuman — a diabolical inspiration. " Surely 
the dragon and his angels fought." 

Never were christian minds so dispirited and clouded. Thus low did 
God suffer his church to fall, to try her faith, and to purify her in the fur- 
nace. Art was more poisonous than rage, and the deceptions seemed 
calculated to impose (if it were possible) even on the elect. Very re- 
markable however was the divine testimony to his church ; at this time, 
man's extremity was the opportunity in which the truth and goodness of 
God appeared most conspicuous. There were doubtless many praying 
spirits at this time, wrestling with their God to appear for his church, and 
he did so in this manner. While the messengers were on the road with 
rescripts, similar to that at Tyre, a drought commenced, famine unex- 
pectedly oppressed the dominions of Maximin : then followed a plague and 
inflamed ulcers. The sore spread over the body, but chiefly affected the 
eyes, and blinded many. And the Armenians, the allies and neighbors 
of the eastern empire, entered into a war with Maximin, which he had 
provoked by extending the persecution to them. Thus were the boasts of 
Maximin confounded. The plague and famine raged in the most dreadful 
manner, and multitudes lay unburied; while the christians, whose piety 
and fear of God being stirred up on this occasion, were the only persons 
who employed themselves in doing good, every day busying themselves in 
taking care of the sick and burying the dead : whereas numbers of the 
pagans were neglected by their own friends : they gathered together also 
numbers of the famished poor, and distributed bread to all; thus imi- 
tating their heavenly Father, who sendeth rain on the just and the unjust. 
Christians appeared still to be superior to all others ; and the church was 
known yet to exist by fruits peculiarly her own, to the praise of God our 
Saviour. 

In the year 313 a war broke out between Maximin and Licinius. The 
former invaded the territory of the latter in the dead of winter, with an 
army of 75,000 men. By surprise he took a few fortified places before 
Licinius' lieutenants were apprised of any hostile intentions of Maximin. 
It was at the time that Constantine was at the court of Licinius, cele- 
brating the nuptials of his daughter, whom he had given to wife to that 
prince. Before the decisive battle, Maximin vowed to Jupiter that if he 
obtained the victory, he would abolish the Christian name. Licinius in a 
dream, was directed to supplicate with all his army the supreme God, 
in a solemn manner. He gave directions to his soldiers to do so, and they 
prayed in the field of battle, using the very words which he had received 
in his dream. So Milner quotes from Lactantius. There is no doubt but 
Licinius so reported the matter to his army, that he was directed by a 
dream. But the extraordinary success which had so lately attended Con- 
stantius' armies, who was directed to seek for protection from the supreme 
God, and who directed his soldiers to pray to him in the field of battle, 
and being at this time on such friendly terms with Constantine, would 
probably hear from him an account of the matter. In this manner Licinius 
might have been led to try the experiment, and to inspire the courage 
and hope of victory in his soldiers in the unequal contest, report it to them 
as directed by a dream. But no matter how Licinius was influenced. It 
was on the face of it an open and direct contest between Jehovah and 



40 

Jupiter, now at its height, and drawing to a close. Victory decided in 
favor of Licinius, though his force was not half of that of Maximin. In 
consequence of this, Maximin published a cautious decree, which forbade 
the molestation of christians, but not allowing them the liberty of public 
worship. Whilst Constantine and Licinius published a complete toleration 
of Christianity, together with that of all other religions. 

Maximin struck with rage at the sad reverse of his affairs, slew many 
priests and prophets of his gods, by whose enchantments he had been 
seduced with false hopes of universal empire in the East; and finding he 
gained no friends among the christians by his late edict, he published 
another in their favor, as full and complete as that of the two other em- 
perors. So amazingly were affairs now changed, that contending empe- 
rors courted the favor of the poor persecuted christians. After this he 
was struck with sudden plague over his whole body, pined away with 
hunger, fell down from his bed, his flesh being so wasted away by a secret 
fire, that it consumed and dropt off from his bones, his eyes leaped out of 
their sockets ; and in his distress he began to see God passing judgment 
upon him. Frantic in his agonies he cried out, " It was not I, but others 
who did it." At length by the increasing force of torment, he owned his 
guilt, and every now and then implored Christ that he would compas- 
sionate his misery. He confessed himself vanquished, and gave up the 
ghost. 

Dioclesian died a little before Maximin. His declining life was most 
wretched, from domestic afflictions and the distractions of the times. This 
Gibbon admits, and quotes young Victor, who affirms that he died raving 
mad, that he was condemned as a criminal by the senate, and that he 
prudently withdrew himself by a voluntary death. But Victor, he says, 
belonged to a powerful party (Christians) whom Dioclesian had disobliged, 
which makes his testimony questionable. 

Licinius was the last of the pagan suns. Notwithstanding the proofs 
this man had of the divine interposition in favor of the gospel during his 
contest with Maximin, his old prejudices operated in conjunction with the 
depravity of the human heart, and the temptation of Satan induced him 
again to put forth his hand to vex the church in a variety of ways. He 
murdered bishops, destroyed churches, expelled from his court and army 
those who would not sacrifice. He used enchantments, and seemed hur- 
ried on by a diabolic influence to his own destruction — to hazard his throne 
and his life on the truth or falsehood of the gospel, and he lost them both. 
He was taken prisoner, and through the intercession of his wife and sister, 
his life was spared, and honorable privilege guaranteed him. But his 
restless spirit, like the old Maximian, must be engaged in plots. The exact 
manner of his death is not known, but it was by violence, whether by his 
own hand, or the hand of an executioner, is uncertain. 

Not an event in history is better authenticated than the Dioclesian per- 
secution of ten years. Gibbon is a good witness of the fact ; he recognizes 
it everywhere in his sneers and bitterness against christians; he more than 
half insinuates that Marcellus merited death for desertion and disobedi- 
ence to military orders : the rashness of the man who pulled down and 
tore the edict, he blames, and insinuates such things are not unfrequent 
with christians : the burning of the city in Phrygia with its inhabitants he 
admits, but says, the gates were open, all who chose might have come 






41 

out: yes, and sacrificed, which was the condition. He has an eagle eye 
on the indiscretion and rashness of christians, in taking their own lives : 
not a misstep of a christian in the whole scene but he sees it, which shows 
that he was familiar with the whole. He admits that the persecution of 
Dioclesian was ten years, but it was much lighter and milder than repre- 
sented by christians. 

The fact that there was such persecution cannot be controverted. 

We will briefly review or compare the characters and spirit manifested 
by the parties, as they have passed before us. It cannot be disputed but 
there were imperfections found among the christians : individuals did not 
in all cases submit to the injuries imposed on them as the gospel requires. 
Marcellus might have left the service without manifesting so much spirit : 
pulling down and tearing the edict wanted christian passiveness : chris- 
tians under any exposure to dishonor or torture, as the lady and her two 
daughters at Antioch, to take their own lives was wrong ; suicide is con- 
trary to the gospel under all possible circumstances. Two instances of 
indiscretion we have passed over, which are too interesting to be omitted. 
The first, Apphian, a young man under twenty, who had received a polite 
education at Berytus, left all his secular emoluments and hopes for the 
love of Christ, and came to Caesarea, where he was so transported with 
zeal as to run up to Urbanus the governor, then making a libation, to 
seize him by the right hand, to stop his religious employment, and exhort 
him to forsake idolatry, and turn to the true God. The consequence, as 
might have been expected, was that he was martyred with the most 
dreadful and protracted tortures. The other was Aedesius, a brother of 
Apphian. He had suffered much before by imprisonment and drudgery 
in the mines of Palestine, which he had endured with great patience and 
fortitude: at length he came to Alexandria, and there saw the judge 
raging with frantic fury against christians, treating the men with various 
abuses, and giving up chaste virgins, who had devoted themselves to a 
single life, to pimps, to be treated in the vilest manner. Fired at the 
sight, he lost all patience, rebuked the magistrate, and struck him. Upon 
which he was exposed to a variety of tortures, and thrown into the sea. 
We will add still more from Milner, and invite the reader to read the 
whole of his account of this persecution, and all the pagan persecutions, and 
compare it with Gibbon's chapter on the conduct of the Roman govern- 
ment towards the christians. We would have given the whole of this 
persecution, but it would have occupied too much space, and to attempt to 
abridge the whole we found too painful. Milner says, of all the martyrolo- 
gist of this persecution, none are more replete with horror than those 
which describe the sufferings of Paracus, Probus, and Andronicus, at 
Porsus in Cilicia. But he does not give the details, supposing his readers 
already wearied with such painful scenes, which admit of no entertainment, 
no coloring, no embellishment. One of the best lessons to be learnt from 
them is, that here human nature is discovered in the height of its enmity 
against God ; and any man may see of what malignity he is capable, if 
left at large to his own dark designs. " I have looked over," says Milner, 
" the acts of these martyrdoms, which are tedious : I suppose that Mr. 
Gibbon did the same, and his remark on what he had read is this, ' that 
there was an asperity of behaviour in the martyrs, which might have 
irritated the magistrate.' But are words to be compared to deeds ? What 



42 

if torments so terrible, so unprovoked, inflicted on innocent, worthy citizens, 
did extort a few passionate complaints and indignant speeches? This 
was the case, I see, with Andronicus, and it is all that appears on the face 
of the narrative that was blame worthy. Is this to be an apology, or even 
an extenuation, for such a barbarous persecution ? Teraius firmly owned 
the truth. On being asked whether he did not worship two gods, because 
he worshipped Christ, he confessed that Christ was God, being the son of 
the living God : he is the hope of christians ; he saves us by his sufferings. 
Probus, on being required to sacrifice to Jupiter, says, ' What ! to him 
who married his sister ? that adulterer, that unchaste person ? as all the 
poets testify.' In such testimonies as these, truth was delivered without 
violation of decorum." These instances are all that we have noticed, 
which the eagle eye of Gibbon discovered in that long and bloody perse- 
cution, where the christians offended against the state, and acted contrary 
to their profession. What a testimony in their favor, that malignity itself 
could find nothing worse ! But, as Milner says, " enmity knows not what 
candor means ; and lest such bigots to infidelity as Gibbon and his disci- 
ples should misconstrue what I have said, of the great decline of godliness 
in the christians of these times, it ought in justice to be owned in their 
favor, that a persecution which intended their total destruction was carried 
on against a race of men, who were even then, with all their faults, the 
most loyal, peaceable, and worthy citizens in the whole empire." 

Persecutions in every age of the church have been the best tests of her 
spiritual state ; they have ever been as the refiner's fire, to burn out stony 
ground disciples and false professors : a summary excision of rotten branches. 
This work goes on rapidly in the first outbreak of a persecution. Up to 
the middle of the third century, after the stony ground disciples had clear- 
ed out, it is sorrowful — yet more than counterbalanced with joyfulness — to 
see the consistent, joyful triumph of the martyr yielding up his spirit in the 
midst of torments. Up to the Dacian persecution, about A. D. 260, we 
find few things to be mourned over in real martyrs. It is mournful to see 
the relapsed go away. But the church have understood and obeyed * resist 
not evil, but overcome evil with good." In every age has been accomplish- 
ed in them, " and they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb and the 
word of their testimony, and they loved not their lives unto death." And 
this is their only offence, that they rely wholly on the blood of Jesus Christ 
for pardon and justification before God, and they boldly profess this depend- 
ence on him. Give this up. and they might live and be what they pleased. 
" But the intolerance of christians," says Gibbon, " was their offence, idola- 
ters were tolerant, and let every man choose his own God ; had christians 
done so, they would have escaped persecution." Doubtless, he was right, 
and polytheism would have remained to this day. But they overcame the 
dragon, and his religion, polytheism, by the word of their testimony, and 
by this they achieved their victory and delivered civilized men from poly- 
theism, by constantly affirming there was but one living and true God, ex- 
isting in Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ; that the gods of the heathen were 
vanity and a lie ; that men should turn from these dumb idols to serve the 
living God ; that men were dead in trespasses and sins, under condemnation 
and the wrath of God abode on them, and that there was no salvation or 
deliverence but by faith and reliance on the atoning sacrifice of the Son of 
God, who gave himself a sacrifice for the sins of the world, sealed to be- 



43 

lievers by the Holy Spirit. This was the word of their testimony, which 
they were ready to seal with their blood — " for they loved not their lives 
unto the death." This, their testimony, was their only offence ; in other 
things they were blameless; loyal and faithful to Government; patient un- 
der sufferings ; meek under injuries; forgiving and praying for enemies; 
tranquil and joyful under the most grievous torments ; with hopes full of 
immortality ; declaring that Christ dwelt in them, comforting and strength- 
ening them. Such were the martyrs, even in this time of declension, with 
few exceptions. If there is a holy and merciful God on the throne of the 
universe, who loves righteousness and hates iniquity : and the bible is a 
revelation of his mercy to lost, ruined man, through the redemption there 
is in Christ Jesus, sealed to believers by the Holy Spirit — were not these 
martyrs under the influence of this Spirit ? And did Ihey not bear a strik- 
ing likeness to their head while he dwelt in the flesh ? And what shall we 
say of their adversaries ? We need not bring against them one railing ac- 
cusation, but point to their acts. In what could they be exceeded in malig- 
nity, hate, and delight in inflicting and witnessing suffering ? If there are 
such beings in the universe as devils and evil spirits, whose delight is to 
promote wrong and misery in the moral system, and they have access to 
men, must not these persecutors have been under their influence — their ser- 
vants, to do their plensure ? Which of these two influences would it be 
desirable should prevail and govern the world ? 



CHAPTER V. 



THE FACT THAT ANCIENT IDOLATRY WAS OVERTHROWN AND CAST OUT AS THE 
RELIGION OF CIVILIZED MEN IN THE EVENTS WE HAVE BEEN CONSIDERING. 



We know that when the apostles went forth to preach the gospel to the 
nations, the whole world was sunk in idolatry, or polytheism — multitudes 
of gods of all characters, made of all kinds of materials, and worshipped 
by a great variety of rites. This was the religious state of the world at 
the beginning of the christian era, and had been from the earliest ages, 
with the exception of a small remnant of the worshippers of the one living 
and true God. The Jews from this time had been delivered from outward 
idolatry, as well as a few Gentiles, who had been recovered through their 
influence, and the scriptures scattered sparingly among the nations. Ex-' 
cept these, the whole world was given up to idolatry — to worship the works 
of their own hands, — " gods made by art and man's device." Not only 
the ignorant multitude, but their philosophers, historians, moralists, poets, 
heroes statesmen, gave their influence and support without an exception, to 
sustain polytheism, (whatever might be their secret belief,) and they always 
joined in persecutions against those who avowed their belief in the unity of 
the godhead. This was the sum of the charge against the christians, that 
they contemned their gods, and avowed and taught that there was but one 
living and true God ; and but one Mediator between God and man — the 



44 

Man, Christ Jesus, through whom alone was there access and acceptance 
with God for sinners ; and that all the idols of the nations were vanity and 
a lie. And for this they were persecuted up to the revolution we have 
considered. On this, Mr. Gibbon manifests a deep sympathy, and more 
than half insinuates that for this intolerent denunciatory spirit of the chris- 
tians, they more than half deserved all they suffered. He says the idola- 
ters were tolerant and let every man choose and worship the idol they 
pleased, without molestation, or imposing his god on his neighbor. He 
thinks had the christians exercised the same tolerent spirit, and let the idol- 
atry of the world alone, they would have escaped persecution ; and doubt- 
less the man is right. Had christians let idolatry alone, very probably he 
and his brethren Hume, Paine, and many tens of thousands of their dis- 
ciples, instead of spending their lives in sneering at Christianity, would all 
of them been bowing down to gods made with hands, and some of them 
might have been priests and high priests to Jupiter, and the thousand 
gods of the refined Greeks and Romans. But to return. We were saying 
that the whole world, in high and low places, in all departments, was 
given to idolatry, with the exception before noticed. We will refer to a 
few distinguished men : Socrates, Seneca, Tacitus, Homer, Plutarch, Pliny, 
Trajan, Adrian, Marcus, and all the eminent men, not Jews or Christians, 
were polytheists without an exception; avowedly such, and gave their 
influence to support the system, and defend it by persecution when called 
to it, and that up to the beginning of the fourth century. The whole 
world, with the exception above, appeared an unbroken phalanx in defence 
of idolatry. Another exception, some may think, ought to be made. 
Early in the third century, a sect of philosophers arose out of the church, 
who undertook to mix Christianity with philosophy. They improved their 
philosophy in its outward aspect, but corrupted the gospel with the unholy 
mixture ; and this was one of the principal ingredients in producing that 
fearful decline we shall witness in the history of the church. 

Such was polytheism up to A. D. 302. Then a persecution commenced, 
designed simultaneously to affect the four great divisions of the Roman 
world. This persecution against the christians was carried on with such 
intensity and success, more than ten years, that the pagans shouted vic- 
tory, and erected pillars, and struck medals to commemorate the triumph. 
But God sustained his church that she did not utterly fail before him. 
Several political revolutions favored her when she seemed ready to be 
swallowed up, as we have noticed. And in the year 324, Paganism 
received a deadly wound from which it has never recovered. Though the 
dragon struggled hard till he was merged in the beast, in the beginning 
of the eighth century, when he gave his power and seat and great au- 
thority to the beast, in whom he reigns, and is the prime agent, and 
through whom he receives divine honors: "and they worshipped the 
dragon which gave power unto the beast." Yet the dragon, as dragon, 
has never attempted, with any considerable success, the re-establishment 
of polytheism among civilized men. The beast, we know, acknowledges 
one supreme God existing in Trinity. Yet of his god protectors and me- 
diators, there is no end to the number to which worship is required to be 
paid. Though as abominable and idolatrous, and as really worshipping 
the dragon, as ancient idolatry, yet it is not exactly polytheism. For the 
beast teaches there is one supreme God. We said the dragon has made 



45 

no successful attempt to re-establish ancient idolatry since his overthrow- 
in the fourth century. There have been spurts, like as in the mad reign 
of Julian of eighteen months ; but this seemed more like a malignant at- 
tempt to vex the church than any rational hope of success. After this 
overthrow we no more hear philosophers and learned men, the enemies of 
the gospel, pleading for ancient idolatry, than infidels in our days. From 
the middle of the fourth century, the enemies of the gospel, as they now 
do, opposed it with scoffs and ridicule. And it is rather remarkable that 
there should not be more variety among such a diversity of talent, — that 
the old stereotype version should continue down through so many gene- 
rations. All that are not atheists profess to believe in one supreme God. 
Polytheism does not now exist but in the dark corners of the earth. In 
heathen countries^ where they have not received the gospel, the intelligent 
part even there believe in one supreme God. Mahometans believe in 
one God, so do protestants who are not atheists. And Roman Catholics, 
as we have seen, believe in one supreme God. Though the dragon has 
been careful that they should leave no place for him among their multi- 
plied god protectors and mediators. 

If these things are so, and as far as we have had opportunity to 
examine, we have found they were, the fact is established : not but that 
ancient idolatry lingered in the Roman empire until it was broken to 
pieces, and the man of sin revealed, in the eighth century, as before no- 
ticed. He is recognized in the prophecy as the dragon up to that period. 
His work in this interval is intimated : " Wo to the inhabiters of the earth, 
and of the sea! for the devil is come down unto you, having great wrath, 
because he knoweth that he hath but a short time." — Rev. xii. 12. 
Doubtless this has reference to those tremendous earthly calamities pre- 
dicted in the four first trumpets, by which the empire was rent asunder, 
as they fall within that period. " And when the dragon saw that he was 
cast unto the earth, he persecuted the woman which brought forth the 
man child." — 13th verse. That is, when idolatry was cast down from 
civil authority, and cast out as the religion of the world, he still persecuted 
the church, and the prophecy informs how, beside by open violence : " The 
serpent cast out of his mouth waters as a flood, after the woman, that he 
might cause her to be carried away of the flood." — 15th verse. This 
represents, or predicts, those multiplied devices (well compared to the 
waters of a flood) which the dragon and his angels resorted to, to corrupt 
and overwhelm the church, as before noticed, as we shall see if spared to 
review that period. In this manner the dragon, as dragon, employed 
himself as dwelling in his angels the four following centuries, till he was 
fully established on the Pontifical throne. But the grand efforts of his 
angels were in the nominal church, to substitute another gospel than that 
of Jesus Christ. And since ancient idolatry, as the religion of the nations, 
was cast out, philosophers, poets, historians, moralists, statesmen (except 
Julian) have left polytheism to die unattended and unpitied. We shall 
see the process through which the deadly wound of this power was 
healed, " when he gave his power and his seat and great authority to the 
beast:" in whom he is resuscitated and fives again in all his power and 
malignity, the enemy of God and all righteousness ; and has been left to 
practise and prosper, to trample on those " who keep the commandments 
of God and have the testimony of Jesus Christ." — 1 7th verse. 



Another thing ought not to be passed over without notice, which con- 
tributed to effect this great revolution, viz. those things approaching more 
to the nature of miracles than we find in ordinary history. Yet the great- 
ness of the contest shows at once the propriety of such signal divine inter- 
position, and renders them more credible. 

Here we will turn back to secular history, and notice the relative 
strength of the rival emperors, especially Maxentius and Constantine. 
Maxentius had collected an army of 1 70,000 foot, 18,000 horse, with im- 
mense supplies drawn from the cities of Italy and the provinces, for the 
invasion of Constantine's dominions. While Constantine's whole army 
consisted of but 90,000 foot, and 8,000 horse. More than half of these 
it would require to defend his extended frontier. With forty thousand 
men he resolved to anticipate Maxentius, and carry the war into Italy. 
Constantine seemed to have a full view of his situation: and however 
ambitious he might have been, he had but the chance to reign or die. 
Though Maxentius was himself a dissolute inexperienced prince, yet Con- 
stantine knew full well the superior ability and valor of many of his 
officers, who had been his companions in arms, and the courage and dis- 
cipline of the veteran legions they commanded. This, together with the 
events of the two late invasions of Italy, must have filled his mind with 
intense solicitude. 

We will here quote Milner, who says, " This emperor from early life 
had some predilection in favor of Christianity. His father Constantius, like 
Agrippa, had been almost persuaded to be a Christian, and probably the 
fear of man and love of the world operated as a check upon both. This, 
however, we are informed concerning him, that he condemned the poly- 
theism of the times, and worshipped one God the maker of all things ; 
that he had multitudes of christians in his palace, and, among these, 
ministers of the gospel, who openly prayed for the emperor. The know- 
ledge of these things, joined to the remarkable contrast between the 
moral character of his father and that of the other emperors, made some 
impressions in favor of the christian religion on the mind of Constantine, 
though more pungent views of internal depravity and guilt be needful to 
induce the mind to enter fully into the spirit of the gospel. But even a 
worldly mind may feel the need of divine assistance, when dubious under 
the prospect of important secular events. And Constantine, marching 
from France into Italy against Maxentius, on an expedition which was 
likely either to exalt or ruin him, was oppressed with anxiety. Some God 
he thought needful to protect him. The God of the christians he was 
most inclined to respect; but he wanted some satisfactory proof of his 
real existence and power; and he neither understood the means of ac- 
quiring this, nor could he be content with atheistical indifference, in which 
so many generals and heroes since his time have acquiesced. He prayed ; 
he implored with much vehemence and importunity ; and God left him 
not unanswered. While he was marching with his forces in the after- 
noon, the trophy of the cross appeared very luminous in the heavens, 
higher than the sun, with this inscription, " Conquer by this" He and 
his soldiers were astonished at the sight. But he continued pondering on 
the event till night. And Christ appeared to him while sleeping, with the 
same sign of the cross, and directed him to make use of that symbol as his 



47 

military ensign. Constantine obeyed, and the cross was henceforward dis- 
played in his armies. * 

Constantine, who hitherto was totally unacquainted with christian doc- 
trine, asked the pastors who this God was, or what was the meaning of the 
sign ? They told him that it was God the only begotten Son of the only 
true God ; that the sign was the trophy of the victory which, when he was 
on earth, had gained over death. At the same time they explained to 
him the cause of his coming, and the doctrine of his incarnation. From 
this time Constantine firmly believed the truth of the christian religion. 
He would have acted irrationally if he had not : and it were an inexcus- 
able want of candor to ascribe to motives merely political a course of 
conduct in favour of Christianity, in which he persevered to his death ; 
and which was begun at a time when the ascendency both of the christian 
cause and the success of his arms, as connected with it, were extremely 
dubious. He began after this to read the scriptures, and zealously 
patronized the pastors of the church all his days. Whether he really 
loved the gospel, and felt its influence on his own heart, is a doubtful 
question ; but that he believed it to be divinely true, is certain, if a con- 
sistent and long course of actions be admitted as evidence. 

By turning back to secular history, at this time we find that Galerius 
was dead, Maximin and Licinius had divided his territory between them- 
selves. The provinces of Asia fell to the share of Maximin, and those of 
Europe augmented the portion of Licinius. The Hellespont and the 
Thracian Bosphorus formed their mutual boundary. Licinius had the 
whole of Europe except Italy, which Maxentius claimed, and Spain, Gaul, 
and Britain, which belonged to Constantine. Italy with Africa had be- 
longed to the old emperor Maximian ; after his abdication was assigned to 
Severus ; and after he fell, and the retreat of Galerius, Maxentius claimed 
Africa as well as Italy as his rightful portion. Constantine's share in the 
empire, neither in territory, men, or means, was one-third of either of his 
compeer emperors — beside he had an extensive frontier to defend. 

There is another consideration worthy of notice. The other three em- 
perors were the sworn enemies of the gospel, who had made themselves 
drunk with the blood of the saints. In that dreadful war in heaven, 
which had raged for the last eight years through the Roman world (Con- 
stantine's dominions excepted) f the dragon, in his angels, had fought, 
and sought to exterminate Christianity and re-establish polytheism beyond 
further disturbance, and had, in the conflict, more than once shouted vic- 
tory. The events, for years, had been shaping to his cries. The arrange- 
ment was now complete — the belligerents in the field. The dragon, in 
his numerous and potent angels, inspiring and urging them on : — Christ, 
in his poor, persecuted, down-trodden people, sustaining, comforting, and 
making them joyful in all their tribulations — purifying them in the furnace 



* Milner here, in a note says, Eusebius says he had this account from Constantine 
himself, confirmed with an oath, long time after. 

t If it should be said that Maxentius had not as yet exercised his authority against 
the church: state policy might have imposed a temporary restraint. In other things he 
was the most cruel and abandoned of men. The son of the cruel Maximian, and son- 
in-law to the monster Galerius. His time was at hand, that he should be cut off in his 
wickedness. 



48 

of affliction. And now God is about to avenge them on their adversaries, 
though he has borne long with them. "I tell you," says the Saviour, 
" he will avenge them speedily." The set time of deliverance was near — 
the shortest time that was best for the church and the glory of her Lord 
and Master. And now in such a crisis, " When the kings of the earth 
set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together against the Lord, and 
against his anointed, saying, Let us break their bonds asunder, and cast 
away their cords from us :" Psalm ii. 2, 3 : — and why, we ask, in such a 
crisis, should not God marvellously interpose for his cause and his people ? 
And that in such a manner, that it should be known to all future genera- 
tions, " That he that sitteth in the heaven shall laugh : the Lord shall 
have them in derision." — 4th verse. 

No event in history is better authenticated than that of the appearance 
of the cross in the heavens, seen by Constantine and his army. Would an 
army of 40,000 men, to a man, connive at, or assent to such a relation, if it 
were a falsehood ? Constantine immediately exchanged his standard . for 
that of the cross, and his whole subsequent life is in accordance with such 
a conviction. Gibbon passes over this event in entire silence, and why ? 
Doubtless, because he would not risk his veracity as an historian by deny- 
ing the account. 

Another thing should be taken into the consideration — the exceeding 
low state of religion at this time. Faithful instructors of divine truth were 
scarcely to be found. If there were such, their names have not been 
handed down to us. The mind was darkened by superstition and error. 
Constantine, it would seem, needed something extraordinary to fix his atten- 
tion, to remove his difficulties, and establish his confidence that the God of 
the christians was able to save those who trusted in him. 

Another thing at first view may seem an objection of some weight, i. e. 
the idolatrous use which has been made of the symbol of the cross, as 
though there were some sanctity in the simple figure, no matter of what 
materials made. This is an abominable superstition, then growing into use, 
and christians were known to be partial to this figure as a symbol of their 
God on the cross ; this being so, the enemies of the gospel would under- 
stand that those marshaled under this banner considered themselves under 
the protection of the crucified One. Yet Constantine did not understand 
the figure till it was explained to him, though it has led the darkened 
minds of men to venerate the mere figure of the cross, and this may have 
helped on the superstition of the times. There is nothing but what the 
carnal heart of man can pervert to idolatry. The Israelites could worship 
the brazen serpent, and the idolatrous anti-christian church can worship the 
bread and wine, and materialize the whole gospel. But attention to the 
word of God, and faithful instruction, and a spiritual mind will correct 
these evils. But if men will reject this, and materialize the gospel and 
rely on figures and similitudes to save them, they will perish and their 
blood will be on their own heads ; and God often gives occasion, or does 
that from which they will take occasion, to show out what is in their hearts. 

Again, we will add that this was not, as it respected the combatants, a 
religious war. Constantine did not go to war to support Christianity, but 
simply sought for hmlself to live and reign, and had no higher views in his 
earnest supplication but to secure these interests. He was led to confide 
in the God of the christians to protect and prosper him, and He did not 



49 

fail him. Neither did Maxentius go to war to defend his gods, but to 
destroy Constantine and add to his dominions the western provinces. Be- 
fore he left Rome to meet Constantine in the field he consulted the Sybil- 
line books, the guardian of the ancient oracle. They gave an ambiguous 
answer ; and the event, either way, would support the credit of the oracle. 
On what else he hoped for success, other than his superior force, we know 
not. He fell. Maximin would secure the favor and power of Jupiter by 
a vow, that if he would give him the victory he would destroy the christian 
name. He was defeated, and died most wretchedly. Licinius was led to 
supplicate the one Supreme God, and obtained a signal victory, with a far 
inferior force. This was a direct contest between Jehovah and Jupiter, 
though both the emperors were wicked men. Yet God did not disappoint 
the hope or confidence which had been placed in him. This should have 
led Licinius to enquire after the God who had heard and protected him, 
and it shows the desperate madness of the heart of man, and the power 
of Satan over him, that he could be persuaded by enchantments and his 
great preparations, that he should prevail against this God and overthrow 
his servant who trusted him and to whom he had granted such signal suc- 
cess. This, too, was a direct contest between Jehovah and the gods of the 
heathen. Yet Constantine did not go to war to protect or extend Christian- 
ity, but under the protection of, and confiding in the God of christians. We 
will only request those who read to find God in history to notice the extra- 
ordinary success of Constantine at Susa, Turin, Verona, and his final victo- 
ry at Saxa Rubra, by which he obtained the entire dominion of Rome, 
Italy, and all of Africa dependent on Rome — the strong places he cap- 
tured ; the experienced generals and victorious legions he vanquished with 
far inferior forces ; together with the rapidity of his movements, all accom- 
plished within four months after his departure from the Rhine. All this 
being achieved, three-fourths of the empire were freed from persecution. 



CHAPTER VI. 



A COMPARISON OF THE EVENTS NOTICED WITH THE 
PROPHECIES PREDICTING THEM. 



We are now prepared to compare the things of which we have heard, 
with the emblems of the sixth seal by which they were predicted. We 
have before stated, and it is important to be borne in mind, that the seals 
and the trumpets relate to earthly things, except those in which the state 
of the world and of the church are both represented, as in the first seal — 
the white horse ; also, the fifth seal is not a political event, but represents 
the intense sufferings of the martyrs during the long and dreadful perse- 
cution, called the Dioclesian. In looking back on the sinking and despond- 
ing state of the church under the subtle, savage Maximin, we can almost hear 
them cry, "How long, oh Lord, holy and true, dost not thou judge and avenge 
our blood on them that dwell on the earth ?" It is the language of an- 
D 



50 

guish ; not of despair and murmering, but of submission and confidence — 
How long, oh Lord, holy and true." How gracious and comforting the an- 
swer in the 11th verse, and though not immediate deliverance from perse- 
cution, yet it is called a "rest," — " And white robes were given to every 
one of them; and it was said unto them, that they should rest yet a little 
season, until their fellow- servants and their brethren, that should be killed 
as they were should be fulfilled/' By turning to the history of the event, 
we find after the affairs of the church were brought to the lowest and most 
discouraging point, light sprang up for them in the calamities which befel 
the empire. Maximin staked his all on the persecution, and was soon cut 
off. But Licinius revived it in another part of the empire, which may also 
be intimated by " until their fellow- servants and their brethren that should 
be killed as they were, should be fulfilled.' Here are fellow-servants, com- 
panions, also brethren. We know in the figurative language of the proph- 
ecy it is said, " I saw under the altar the souls of them that were slain for 
the word of God, and for the testimony which they held." If we would 
interpret this literally, it would be the spirits of departed martyrs, who 
cried with a loud voice, saying, " How long," &c. ; and then the language 
•would have been more proper had been slain, than were slain. Our im- 
pression is, that it represents the language of the suffering church and 
martyrs, at this time of their greatest extremity, to impress future 
generations how great they were, and that they were comforted and deliv- 
ered in due time — that none who wait upon God need be discouraged. 

We should bear in mind, would we not get confused in the interpretation 
of this book, that the little book contains the history of the church during 
the same period as the seals and trumpets do of the world, and that the 
casting out of the Dragon and his angels from the religious world, was con- 
temporaneous with his overthrow in the political world. 

We will now proceed to compare the events we have been considering 
with the figures or emblems of the sixth seal. 

" And I beheld when he had opened the sixth seal, and lo ! there was a 
great earthquake.' This figure must represent great convulsions, overturn- 
ing^ and revolutions. We have certainly found such in the history of this 
period. We know of none in our world in which the political and religious 
effects have been so great, so surprising, so unexpected by all the parties. 
The pagans would have blotted out the christian name. If they failed, 
they apprehended no danger to themselves. The christians desired deliv- 
erance from so great tribulation, but had not dreamed of seeing their ene- 
mies subdued under them. It was a great political and religious earth- 
quake — surely great overturning^, and castings down. 

" And the sun became black as sackcloth of hair, and the moon became 
as blood." We will now glance back and notice the setting of these pagan 
suns — these angels of the dragon which were cast out. The first in the 
list, was Severus, of whom we know little except that his destruction 
was sudden and unexpected, and he was compelled to take his own life. 
Maximian, who had made himself drunk with the blood of the saints, seem- 
ed hurried to " set in blackness as sackcloth of hair. In the awful exit of 
Galerius, we almost see literally the gnawing of that worm that never dies. 
What a horror of darkness shrouds his departure ! We see Maxentius 
satiated with his lust and blinded by his oracle, plunging himself into 
destruction — his memory damned to eternal infamy. In the departure of 



51 

Maximin, we see earnests "of suffering the vengeance of eternal fire." 

The great Dioclesian in declining life, was most wretched, and took his own 
life. In what horror of darkness his sun went down. In Licinius we see a 
man blinded by Satan, and the enmity of his heart against God infatuated 
by ambition and restlessness hurried on to his own sure destruction. 
There are many great men with much defect of character, yet with some 
redeeming trait, whose names and exploits have been handed down with 
honor. But these men, though great as warriors, are, by universal consent, 
damned to eternal infamy. 

Surely this was a great earthquake. It was a great moral and political 
convulsion which shook the world. These pagan suns did " become black 
as sackcloth," and the moon (their satellites, generals, and high officers) 
" become as blood," — drenched in their own blood. 

" And the stars of heaven fell to the earth." — The pagan priests, minis- 
ters of idolatry, and the magistrates who condemned the martyrs, fell " even 
as a fig tree casteth forth her untimely figs when she is shaken by a mighty 
wind." 

" And the heavens departed as a scroll when it is rolled together." — 
Polytheism, or the dragon's system of religion, was then wound up, not 
to be unfurled again ; or, polytheism then received a deadly wound, ulti- 
mately to die and cease to exist. 

" And every mountain and island moved out of their place, "--r- A figure 
which represents the great difficulties which opposed this •mighty revo- 
lution. And to ascertain what mountains and islands there were, look at 
the prospect when Constantine was meditating his Italian expedition. On 
the side of the church it might be truly said, " Behold the tears of the 
oppressed, and they had no comforter :" on the side of their oppressors 
there was power. But they had no comforter, no human arm to look to, 
or hope from, even after Constantine had been led to commit himself and 
his cause to the protection of the God of the christians. How great the 
disparity of the antagonists. The angels of the dragon were numerous, 
potent, and disciplined. Perhaps in no period of the world had military 
discipline been carried to so great perfection as at this time, — so many 
able, experienced generals and officers of all grades, and so many veteran 
troops in the field. Claudius, Probus, Aurelian, and Carus, who were the 
instruments of delivering the empire from the bloody anarchy which so 
long wasted it Avithin, and drove back the barbarians beyond their fron- 
tiers, were great military men, and carried military discipline to a high 
state of perfection. Dioclesian and his Caesars and officers were trained 
under these accomplished princes, and with all their atrocity of character 
were mighty men, and able to train up and command mighty men, all, we 
believe, foreigners, not dissipated Italians. Constantine was trained up 
in the same school, and was himself a mighty man, but his forces and 
other resources were not one-third of either of his rival emperors. 

Besides, philosophy, sarcasm, and subtlety were all on the side of the 
dragon and his angels. What mountains and islands these, to be removed 
by such feeble instruments ! 

Besides, look at the low and fallen state of the church at this time : 
though there were during that long and intense persecution great multi- 
tudes who witnessed a good confession, " and overcame him (the dragon) 
by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony, and they 



52 

loved not their lives unto the death." Yet during this whole period, no 
Cyprin or Dionysius appeared to check, to regulate, or to control the spirits 
of christians, and to discipline them by scripture rules. God, it would 
seem, eminently designed to show that the weakness of God was stronger 
than men, and the foolishness of God wiser than men. He would let his 
adversaries gather themselves together, gird on their whole strength, yet 
they should be broken, and that too by instruments the most weak and 
contemptible to the proud sense of men. 

" With worms he would thresh the mountains, and beat them small, 
and make the hills as chaff." — Isa. xli. 15. "Not by might, nor by power, 
but by my spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts. Who art thou, great moun- 
tain ! before Zerubbabel thou shalt become a plain ; and he shall bring- 
forth the headstone with shoutings crying grace, grace unto it." — Zach. 
iv. 6, 1. " And the kings of the earth and the great men, and the rich 
men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men, and every bondman, 
and every freeman, hid themselves, in the dens and in the rocks of 
the mountains, and said to the mountains, fall on us, and hide us from the 
face of him that sitteth on the throne, and from the wrath of the Lamb : 
for the great day of his wrath is come ; and who shall be able to stand ? " 
—Rev. vi. 15—17. 

This is the language of terror and consternation which seized the van- 
quished under their final overthrow. We may imagine that it must have 
been great from the circumstances that attended it: 1. From the irre- 
sistible manner in which it came upon them, their skill and valor availed 
them nothing : and 2. They saw that it was the hand of God which had 
smitten them ; and of that crucified one they had so reviled and blasphemed 
— whose servants they had persecuted and slain, and that for their fidelity 
to him. And now the great day of his wrath is come; "of him that 
sitteth on the throne and the wrath of the Lamb, and who shall be able 
to stand ? " With all grades and conditions of men this was a personal 
concern. A mere change of political masters was of little moment to 
those in the humble walks of life. But not so in this ; all were equally 
involved. Their gods were gone, which showed that they were unable to 
deliver them ! and they had fallen into the hand of that God against whom 
the temper of their hearts, and the tenor of their lives, had been unbroken 
enmity. " And now the day of his wrath is- come :" they had also fallen 
into the hands of his servants, whom they had hated and persecuted in 
cruel wrath for their likeness and fidelity to him. " And now the day of 
his wrath is come ; and who shall be able to stand ? " 

But we are not left wholly to conjecture what might have been the 
terror and consternation of those involved in these scenes ; for we have 
some instances. Galerius, Maximin, and several others, beside their out- 
ward sufferings, the horrors of their minds were indescribable. Could 
rocks or mountains have hid them from their unutterable anguish and 
fearful forebodings, how they would have fled to them ! Or could they 
have hoped for annihilation, it would have mitigated their anguish. But 
annihilation is as far from the soul under the terrors of an awakened con- 
science, as heaven is from hell. It is the insensible — the blinked con- 
science that can take shelter in annihilation. Have not some of us seen 
persons (or felt ourselves) who, under the terrors of an awakened con- 
science, could find no shelter there, however, in their insensibility and 



53 

strength, they might have scoffed at future retribution. This refuge 
failed them now, as well as every hope of escape, unless led to seek it 
through the merits of the blood of Christ. 

In this awful discomfiture, and manifestation of the divine power, these 
feelings of terror and alarm might have prevailed to an extent of which 
we may have no conception, from any thing we have seen, and the lan- 
guage implies that it was extraordinary: and while many perished in 
hopeless despair,, we have reason to hope that multitudes were brought to 
true repentance, and to embrace the hopes of the gospel. We know that 
great numbers soon after professed faith in Christ, and visibly joined them- 
selves to the Lord. 

We will now give a summary of the ground we have passed over, or the 
events indicated in the prophecies. 

1st. We noticed the wars and rumors of wars, the first sign preceding the 
destruction of Jerusalem; the convulsion of the world on the fall of Nero, 
A. D. 69 to 70. 

2d. The fall and desolation of Jerusalem and the land of Judea, A. D. 70. 

3d. We entered on the prophecies contained in the book with seven 
seals. The first seal, the White Horse, we interpreted as the remarkable 
peace of the world, and the triumphs of the Gospel from the year 100 to 
180. The peace and prosperity of the world we have only dwelt on, as 
belonging to secular history ; and will only remark here, that during the 
above period, a remarkable missionary spirit prevailed, and the gospel was 
preached with great success in regions where before it was unknown. 

The second seal, the Red Horse, commenced at the close of the former, 
180, and continued to 288. Yet the calamities of the Black and Pale 
Horse, growing and mingling in the second seal, were all consummated in 
the above 288. From this period the providence of God appears to be 
shaping and carrying forward events to the consummating of the great 
revolution in 324. 

The fifth seal was interpreted, not of any specific event, other than a 
representation of the intensity of the sufferings of the martyrs in the long 
and cruel persecution called the Dioclesian, with the consolations they 
experienced under that great affliction. 

Now, we have little fear, but that those who will acquaint themselves 
with the history of the times we have passed over, searching to find God in 
history, carrying into effect his declared purposes, will find events answer- 
able to the figures of the prophecies foretelling them, or that they will 
object to the application of the events as foretold by John — except the last 
great revolution. That such an astonishing event did take place, none will 
dispute who acquaint themselves with the history of that period. But the 
difficulty we apprehend will be that the figures are too bold and extrava- 
gant. That the greatness of this political and moral revolution, was not 
equal to the representation and appearance in the visible heavens. To 
this we will only say, we may have as little conception of the effect of this 
moral and political commotion, the consternation of the vanquished at that 
time; as we have, should the things literally take place in the visible 
heaven.?| ^ ne figures are designed to impress men with the surprising magni- 
tude of that event. Yet the difficulty may still remain that the figures 
are beyond the reality ; therefore, that event was not intended and cannot 
be applied to the fulfilling of that prophecy. The event did occur, and it 



54 

was one of the most astonishing, taking all its circumstances into the account, 
that has occurred among men. And if it is not contained in the figures of 
the sixth seal, then it was not predicted — it was not foretold. The sixth 
seal stands in a regular succession of events, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 ; if this is not the 
sixth, that is wanting. We have found the others following and mingling 
in regular succession. But this is a blank, if the events we have noticed 
are not the fulfilment. 

We know it has been interpreted of the Day of Judgment. But it 
cannot be that — 1st. Because the prophecies of this book are figurative. 
If this is the Day of Judgment it must be literal. And 2d. It would bring 
the Day of Judgment before the opening of the seventh seal, which con- 
tains more than three times as much as the six first seals. And lastly, the 
figures of the sixth seal are essentially like those used by the Saviour, 
predicting the destruction of Jerusalem, of which he said "that that gene- 
ration should not pass away until all was fulfilled." But doubtless both 
these events were lively figures, and earnests of that event, as the believer 
in this life has earnests and foretastes of heaven ; but it is not heaven itself. 
And so the soul which departs in the horrors of despair, has an earnest of 
that fire which shall never be quenched ; but it is not the thing itself. 

What a dark world this would be, without the light of revelation! 
From the history of the past, not a gleam of hope can be gathered for the 
future. But that the same succession of crime and wretchedness will 
continue. The world, a desert of wickedness, without a green spot, except 
a small remnant borne from above. Nations only rising, maturing corrupt- 
ing, to be destroyed. Cities built and embellished to be made ruinous 
heaps. Every where, and at all times, may be seen the tears of the 
oppressed, and they have no comforter ; " on the side of the oppressors 
there is power, but the oppressed have no comforter;" and they are 
neither humbled nor reformed by their afflictions, but often made more 
desperate. There can be no mistake — it is an apostate world from God and 
all that is good; lying in the wicked one. By nature there is not one that 
doeth good — no, not one. Yet, in such a world, God in his providence " has 
not left himself without a witness, in that He did them good in giving rain 
from heaven, and fruitful seasons, filling his rebellious subjects with food 
and their hearts with gladness — but no thankfulness." ! how cheerless 
and hopeless the state of our sin ruined world ! but for the revelation of 
divine mercy made known in his word. And what a brilliant light the 
Word of God sheds on this dark world. In the past we can see the foot- 
steps of God walking in the midst of his rebellious subjects, manifesting 
the perfections of his nature in his dealings with^them — shewing his good- 
ness in providing so many comforts for such ungrateful creatures, who only 
pamper their lusts with his bounty, and his patience and justice in the 
fearful judgments he has so often visited guilty nations, communities and 
individuals, who have filled the measure of their iniquity; and also his 
mercy, and grace, and power to save all who return to him penitent sinners, 
by Jesus Christ, the only mediator. We see God every where in his 
word acting out the declaration he made of himself to Moses: "The 
Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious, slow to anger, abundant in 
goodness and truth, forgiving iniquity and transgression, and sin, who will 
by no means clear the guilty — visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon 
the children unto the third and fourth generation." God has left his rebeL 



lions creatures free to shew themselves, and act out what is in their hearts 
and exhibit the character of sin, and that he is riohteous when he taketh 
vengeance. Yet he holds them in his hand — they are free, and only seek 
to accomplish their own ends, yet can only effect what his hand and his, 
counsel had before determined should be done, as he had declared by his 
servants, the prophets. By the light of revelation, in the history of the 
past we can see the footsteps of God walking in the midst of the raging of 
the elements, collisions, dashing and breaking of nations. Wickedness 
every where abounds; all men are supremely selfish, and at enmity to 
Him. Yet God is on his holy hill of Zion, overruling all things to the display 
of his infinite perfections, in the developing and bringing forward to its 
consummation the work of redemption — the chief of all the works of 
God — that which the angels desired to look into, which could not have 
been displayed but in such a world as this. It is by the light of prophecy 
that we trace the footsteps of God in the past, where we find " thus it was 
written," and thus it has been. In this way the children of God have 
been built up in faith and comfort in every generation ; they are ever able 
to sing " great is thy faithfulness— thy faithfulness endureth to all gene- 
rations." 

It is most evident that before the revelation of God was completed — 
while he yet inspired men to write his will, declare his prophecies, and 
chronicle their fulfilment in his providence, no generation was left unwarned 
of what was before them. No calamity overtook them unforetold, beyond 
which was not promised deliverance. These prophecies were not in generals 
only, but detailed a succession of events affecting every generation. So that 
those who believed God's word, and took heed to the voice of his prophets, 
were never taken by surprise by any unforewarned event. To the Old 
Testament prophets it was not only given to exhibit the details of events to 
the generations near them, but a general summary of events to the end of 
the world. The New Testament prophets, especially John, were inspired 
to give the succession of events affecting every generation to the end of 
the world. Would we acquaint ourselves with what God has been doing 
in the history of the world, we should find in every finished event, thus it 
was written in the prophecy. And to encourage our research, no book in 
the bible is so urged on our attention as the Book of Revelations, which is 
prefaced with — " Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words 
of this prophecy, and keep these things which are written therein ; for the 
time is at hand." — Rev. I, 3. And it is closed with " like benedictions on 
those who give it their attention." — Rev. XXII, 7. Those who attain to 
this blessing will find that it sheds a brilliant light on the past, and will 
illuminate the future to the end of the world. "This, then, is the message 
which we have of him arid deliver unto you, that God is light, and in him is 
no darkness at all." 1st John, I, 5. 



56 



CHAPTER VII. 



CHURCH HISTORY. 



Apostolic men — Clement — His letter to the Corinthians — Ignatius — 
Extracts from his seven epistles, written on his tour from Antioch to 
Rome, where he suffered martyrdom — The period of the First Seal — 
Missionary zeal and remarkable success of the Gospel — Remarks on 
modern missions — Quadratus' labors — His apology — Origen — Account of 
the effects of the Gospel on the Athenians — Aristides' apology to Adri an 
— Letter from the Pro-Consul of Asia — Adrian's answer, about A. D. 130. 

The Apostle John says : " I have written unto you, fathers, because ye 
have known Him that is from the beginning." By this we are not to 
understand that the true knowledge of the Gospel is confined to those who 
heard the apostles preach in its first promulgation : " for no scripture is of 
private interpretation," or restricted to one generation. But it means there 
are no novelties in the religion of the bible. The gospel admits of no 
improvement. Would we learn its true nature, we must apply ourselves to 
know what it was as it came pure from the hand of its founder, and as 
preached by the apostles. There are but two writers of the first century 
whose works have come down to us — beside the bible, which reaches a 
considerable way into it. St. John wrote near the close. The first of 
these is Clement, the person Paul mentions. He was bishop, or pastor, at 
Rome. What remains of him is an epistle written to the Corintians, who 
had applied to him concerning some dissentions which had again arisen in 
that church. We shall pass over every thing in this epistle of a local 
character, and only notice his doctrinal and practical views, adapted to all 
times and circumstances; and these not in any accurate method, only as 
they fall in with his practical instruction and warnings. " Yet we may see 
the fundamentals of godliness, Salvation only by the blood of Christ — the 
necessity of repentance in all men, because all men are guilty before God ;" 
these, he supposes and builds on continually, as we shall see in the follow- 
ing extract: " Let us," says he, " stedfastly behold the blood of Christ, 
and see how precious it is in the sight of God, which, being shed for our 
salvation, hath procured the grace of repentance for all the world." 

Again. " The nature and necessity of lively faith, as a principle of true 
godliness, and happiness, and perfectly distinct from the dead historical 
assent, with which it is by many unhappily confounded. It is well 
illustrated in the case of Lot's wife. ' She had another spirit, another 
heart; hence, she was made a monument of the Lord's indignation — a 
pillar of salt to this day, that all the earth and all generations may know 
that the double minded, who stagger at the promises of God, and distrust 
the power of his grace in unbelief shall obtain nothing of the Lord but 
the signal display of his vengeance.' " 



57 

The divine dignity and glory of our Saviour is thus described. " Ou r 
Lord Jesus Christ, the sceptre of the majesty of God, came not in the 
pomp of arrogance or pride, though who can understand the thunder of his 
power? But he was meek and lowly." 

The doctrine of election runs remarkably through the epistle in connection 
with holiness, (says Milner,) as the scriptures always state it A passage may 
be properly quoted here to show that it was a primitive doctrine : "Let us 
go to him in sanctitication of heart, lifting up holy hands to him, influenced 
by the love of our gracious and compassionate Father, who hath made us 
his election, his peculiar people. Since we, therefore, are the elect of God, 
holy and beloved, let us work the works of God." 

"The distinguishing doctrine of Christianity (says Milner, whom we 
largely quote,) without which the gospel is a mere name, and incapable of 
consoling sinners, is doubtless Justiiication by the grace of Christ through 
faith alone." See Clement's testimony. It deserves to be distinctly 
remembered as an unequivocal testimony of the faith of the primitive church. 

"All these," (he is speaking of the Old Testament fathers,) "were 
magnified and honored, not through themselves, not through their works, 
not through their righteous deeds, which they performed, but through his 
will. And we, also, by his will, being called in Christ Jesus, are justified, 
not by ourselves, nor by our wisdom, or understanding, or godliness, or by 
the works which we have wrought in holiness of heart, but faith, by which 
the Almighty hath justified all who are or have been justified from the 
beo'innino\" 

o # o 

"His quick perception of the common objections, what need then of 
good works ? His ready answer, and his manner of stating the necessity 
of good works, and placing them on their proper basis show how deeply he 
had studied, and how exquisitely he felt St Paul's doctrines. But what 
then ? Shall we neglect good works ? Does it follow from hence that we 
should leave the law of loving obedience ? God forbid. Let us rather 
hasten with all earnestness of mind to every good work; for the Lord 
himself rejoices in his works. Having such a pattern, how strenuously 
should we follow his will, and work the works of righteousness with all our 
might" 

First, the doctrine of the Spirit's work on the heart and of the experience 
of his consolations in the soul — take the following passage : 

How blessed, how amazing the gift of God, beloved! Life in immor- 
tality, splendor in righteousness, truth in liberty, faith in assurance, sobriety 
in holiness ? And thus far in this life we know experimentally. If the 
earnest of the Spirit be so precious, what must be the things which God 
hereafter hath prepared for those who wait for him ? 

What men are by nature — how dark and miserable — what by converting 
grace in the renewal of the understanding, is thus expressed : " Through 
him, that is Jesus Christ, let us behold the glory of God shining in his face : 
through him the eyes of our hearts are opened ; through him our under- 
standing, dark and foolish as it was, rises again into his miraculous light ; 
through him the Lord would have us taste of immortal knowledge." 

This epistle, says Milner, seems to come as near to apostolic 
simplicity as any thing we have on record. The illustration of its spirit 
would show this abundantly. It is difficult to show this by a single passage. 
A temper so heavenly, meek, holy, charitable, patient, yet fervent, pious and 



58 

humble runs through the whole. Take a sentence or two by way of illus- 
tration — " Christ is theirs, who are poor in spirit, and lift not up themselves 
above the flock, but are content to be low in the church. Let us obey our 
spiritual pastors and honor our elders, and the younger be disciplined in the 
fear of God. Let our wives be directed to what is good, to follow chastity, 
modesty, meekness, sincerity. Let them evidence their power of self 
government by their silence, and let them show love, not in the spirit of a 
sect or party, but to all who fear God. Again, Let not the strong despise 
the weak, and let the weak reverence the strong. Let the rich commu- 
nicate to the poor, and let the poor be thankful to God, for those through 
whom their wants are supplied. Let the wise exert his wisdom, not merely 
in words, but in good works. Let the humble prove his humility, not by 
testifying of himself how humble he is, but by conduct that may occasion 
others to give testimony to him. Let not the chaste be proud of his 
chastity, knowing that from God he has received the gift of continency. 
Have we not all one God, one Christ, one spirit of grace poured upon us, 
and one calling in Christ ■? Why do we separate and distract the members 
of Christ, and fight against our own body, and are come to such a height 
of madness as to forget that we are members one of another ?" 

" Is any among you strong in faith, mighty in knowledge, gifted in 
utterance, judicious in doctrine, and pure in conduct ! The more he appears 
exalted above others, the more need has he to be poor in spirit, and take 
care that he looks not on his own things, but that he study to promote the 
common good of the church." 

" Every one whose heart has any good degree of the fear and love which 
is the result of our common hope, had rather that he himself be exposed to 
censure than his neighbor; and had rather condemn himself than break 
that beautiful bond of brotherly love which is delivered to us." 

After pressing the beautiful example of charity of Moses, in the book of 
Exodus, XXXII, he says: "Who of you has any generosity of sentiment, 
or bowels of compassion, or fulness of love ? Let him say, if the strife 
and schism be on my account, I will depart, wherever you please, and 
perform whatever the church shall require, only let Christ's flock live in 
peace with their settled pastors. Surely the lord will smile on such a 
character." 

Clement occasionally introduces also a piece of history. He refers to the 
martyrdom of Peter and Paul, as a fact well known in perfect agreement 
with what we learn from Irenseus, which he says he had from Polycarp, a 
disciple of St. John. Clement says: — "Set before your eyes the holy 
apostles. Through envy, Peter underwent a variety of afflictions, and 
having suffered martyrdom, went to the due place of glory. Through 
envy, Paul obtained at length the reward of his patience, having seven 
times been cast into chains, being scourged, stoned, having preached the 
gospel in the east and the west, he obtained a good report, through faith, 
preaching righteousness through the wo-ild to the utmost bounds of the 
west, and suffering martyrdom from princes, he left this world, and reached 
the shore of a blessed immortality, the most eminent pattern of those who 
suffer for righteousness' sake. Through the godly conversation and labors 
of these men, a great multitude of the elect was gathered together who 
through envy were afflicted with cruel torments, and obtained a good report 
through faith among us. Through the same evil principle, even women 



59 

among us have sustained the most cruel and unrighteous sufferings, and 
finished in patient faith their course, and received, notwithstanding the 
weakness of their sex, the prize of christian heroes." 

Clement is said to be the only writer of the first century, after the " close 
of the canon of scripture whose works have come down to us except Hermas, 
probably the person mentioned in the epistle to the Hebrews. It is pious, 
but the composition is of inferior merit. There are epistles bearing the name 
of Barnabas, but they are considered to be spurious. To allow otherwise 
would be very injurious to his character. To believe, to suffer, not to write, 
was the primitive taste." 

But Ignatius was an apostolic man, a disciple of St. John, though he lived 
into the 2d century. He was martyred A. D. 107. Yet he may as well be 
introduced here in the enquiry after the faith and practice of primitive 
Christianity. 

Ignatius was bishop of Antioch. He suffered martyrdom under Trajan, 
who being now on his way to his Parthian expedition, stopped at Antioch. 
Ignatius, either to divert the attention of the emperor from his flock, or to 
save an arrest, or the involving of others by concealment, perhaps mingled 
with a vain glory of martyrdom, went voluntarily into the presence of 
Trajan, who appeared to have had some knowledge of him. The emperor, 
much enraged at his boldness in coming into his presence, not only 
reproached him for transgressing his commands in refusing to sacrifice to 
the gods, and also inveigling other souls into the same folly to their ruin, and 
calling him an impious wretch, Ignatius replied that he ought not to be 
called "impious, for wicked spirits had departed from the servants of God. 
But if you call me impious because of hostility, I own the charge in that 
respect. I dissolve all their snares, sustained inwardly, by Christ, the 
heavenly king." 

Ignatius had called himself Theophilus. Trajan inquired what he meant 
by that name? Ignatius answered, " He who has Christ in his breast." 
Trajan replied, " that the gods also resided with them, and fought their 
battles." Ignatius, " You mistake in calling the demons of the nations by 
the name of gods. For there is only one God, who made heaven, and 
earth, the sea, and all that is in them; and Jesus Christ, his only begotten 
Son, whose kingdom be my portion." Trajan, " His kingdom, do you say, 
who was crucified under Pilate ?" Ignatius, " His, who crucified my sin 
with its author, and has put all the fraud and malice of Satan under their 
feet, who carry him in their heart." Trajan, " Dost thou then carry him 
who was crucified within thee?" Ignatius, "I do; for it is written, 'I will 
dwell in them, and walk in them.' " Then Trajan pronounced this sentence 
against him : "Since Ignatius confesses that he carries in himself him that 
was crucified, we command that he be carried, bound, by soldiers, to great 
Rome, there be thrown to the beasts for the entertainment of the people." 

Here, we have a literal exposition of the text—" And they overcame 
him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony, and 
they loved not their lives unto the death." The doctrine of union with 
Christ by faith, now so much discarded, appears here in its full glory, and 
if ever we be called to scenes like these, we shall feel its importance. 

The merciful appointment of God should not be overlooked in influencing 
the mind of Trajan to send Ignatius the long journey to Rome for execu- 
tion, the delays that were experienced, the indulgence of the guards, the 



opportunities of seeing so many christian brethren and writing seven epis- 
tles which have been preserved. " The scene before us is august, (says 
Milner,) the state of Christendom at that time is much illustrated by it. 
The seven Epistles of the great man, undoubtedly genuine as they are, 
and accruately distinguished from all corrupt interpolations, will come in 
aid to the acts of his martyrdom ; by them he being dead, yet speaketh ; 
and what the gospel can do for men who really believe it, and feel the 
energy of the spirit of its divine author, has not been more illustriously 
displayed." 

From Antioch he was hurried by his guards to Seleucia; sailing from 
thence he arrived at Smyrna. While the ship remained in port, he was 
allowed the pleasure of visiting Polycarp, who was bishop of Smyrna. 
They had been fellow disciples of St. John. The holy joy of their inter- 
view can be conceived only by those who have experienced what is the 
love and fellowship of the Spirit. There is a glow of affection and sympa- 
thy, running through their intercourse, and in Ignatius' epistles that looks 
as though christian love was a reality, and that christians were really 
members one of another. It was like the glowing epistles of the apostles 
to the churches, and the admonitions of the Saviour for his disciples to 
love one another. This seems remarkably the spirit of christians at this 
time. Deputies were sent from the various churches of Asia to attend 
and console him, and to receive benefit by his spiritual communications. 
From Smyrna four of the seven letters were written and sent by their 
deputies to the churches in Ephesus, Magnesia, Tralles and Rome. Ephe- 
sus appears from his epistle to them to have maintained her character of 
evangelic purity, as when the apostle wrote to that church. Ignatius' 
address to this church is full of the same obnoxious doctrines as those of 
St. Paul. " Ignatius to the worthy and happy church in Ephesus of Asia, 
blessed in the majesty and fulness of the Father, predestinated before the 
world to be perpetually permanent in glory, immovable, united, and 
elect in the genuine suffering, by the will of the Father, and of Jesus 
Christ our God, much joy in Jesus Christ, and in his spotless grace." He 
speaks of Onesimus, their bishop, with rapture. He calls him " inexpres- 
sible in charity, whom I beseech you to love according to Jesus Christ, 
and all of you to imitate him. Blessed be his name, who has counted you 
worthy to enjoy such a bishop." With him he honorably mentions some 
presbyters or deacons. 

He labours the point with earnestness to maintain love and union among 
themselves, and also to obey those that have rule over them, and submit 
themselves, that they may not grieve them, and render their labors unpro- 
fitable to themselves. This they would not do but by being clothed with 
humilit}r, and abiding in the Lord Jesus Christ. Ignatius distinctly speaks 
of three orders of teachers or rulers in the church. But as we purpose, if 
the Lord permit, more fully to speak on this subject, we will only here say 
there must be authority in the church and that authority obeyed, or all 
is confusion and every evil work: by pride cometh contention, but with 
the lowly is wisdom. 

In conclusion to the Ephesian, he says: " Frequently assemble for thanks- 
giving and prayer ; for when you assidiously attend to these things, the 
powers of Satan are demolished, and his pernicious kingdom is dissolved by 
the unanimity of your faith. Remember me as Jesus Christ does also you." 



61 

To the Magnesian church, he gives the following testimony of the Deity of 
Christ and to justification by his grace through faith, and the influence of the 
Holy Spirit, in opposition to Judaism, which, at that time, was continually 
infesting the church. He says : " Be not deceived with hetrodox opinions, 
nor old unprofitable fables ; for if we still live according to Judaism, we 
confess that we have not received grace ; for the divine prophets lived 
according to Jesus Christ. For this they were persecuted ; being inspired 
by his grace to assure the disobedient, that there is one God, who mani 
fested himself by Jesus Christ his son, who is his Eternal Word. If they, 
then, have cast off" indeed the old state and are come to a new hope in 
Christ, let them no longer observe the Jewish sabbath, but live according 
to the life of the Lord, (the Lord's day) in which also our life rose again by 
himself and by his death, which some deny, by whom we have received the 
mystery of believing, and on account of this we endure, that we may be 
found disciples of Jesus Christ our only teacher. How can we live without 
him, whose disciples even the prophets were, and in spirit expected as 
their Teacher. Let us not, then, be insensible of his loving kindness. For 
if he measure to us according to what we have done, we are ruined. 
Therefore being his disciples, let us learn to five according to Christianity : 
for he who follows any other name than this, is not of God. Lay aside, 
then, the old bitter leaven, which is not of Jesus Christ : for Christianity does 
not believe in Judaism, but Judaism in Christianity, that every tongue belie- 
ving in, God might be gathered together. Of these things I warn you, my 
beloved, not because I have known some of you thus disposed, but as the 
least of you, I am willing to admonish you that ye fall not into the snares 
of vain glory ; but that ye may be well assured of the nativity, suffering, 
and resurection, during the government of Pontius Pilate, of which, literary, 
Jesus Christ was a subject, who is our hope, from which may none of you be 
turned aside. I know that ye are not puffed up : for ye have Jesus Christ 
in yourselves, and the more I praise you, the more I know ye are ashamed." 

(Beautiful view of their genuine humility !) 

" Study then to be confirmed in the doctrines of the Lord and the apos- 
tles that in all things which ye do, ye may have good success in flesh 
and spirit, in faith and love, in the Son and the Father, and the Spirit; 
knowing that ye are full of God, I have briefly exhorted you. Remember 
me in your prayers, that I may come to God, and to the Church in Syria, 
of which I am unworthy to be called a member." 

The primitive church believed in a literal abiding in the Lord Jesus 
Christ, as taught in the xv chap, of John, and through the Bible, — thouoh 
it was spiritual union, yet a reality — a simple reliance on the merits of his 
blood for justification, and the power of his grace through the influence of 
the Holy Spirit to overcome evil, and bear fruit unto holiness. They really 
rejoiced in Christ Jesus, and had no confidence in the flesh. They come out 
of themselves and believed that he was made unto them wisdom, righteous- 
ness, sanctification and redemption. They also believed in opposition to the 
speculations of the various heretics of those times, who would mystify the 
whole gospel. They believed that Jesus Christ was really man — really God 
— one person — that he really suffered for the sins of the world, and really 
rose from the dead for the justification of all those who believe. 

What Ignatius says to the church at Tralles, which, it appears, had been 
lately planted, may, with much more propriety, be said of us and christians 



62 

in our day. After speaking of his attainments ; that he had a strong "savor 
of God," he recalls it, as it may be an over estimate. He fears lest 
he perish by boasting, and being inflated with pride, he says : — " I love 
indeed to suffer, but do not know whether I am worthy ; I need gentleness 
of spirit by which the prince of this world is dissolved, or I cannot write to 
you of heavenly things. But I fear lest I should hurt you, being infants. 
Excuse me, then, lest through incapacity of receiving, you be suffocated." 

Who does not feel that they are infants in their experience — in that 
simple dwelling in Christ, walking in him, and in the intimate communion 
with him of whom Ignatius speaks. Shall we call it superstition, because 
it is beyond what we have seen and experienced ? The world has been 
full of superstition, but not of this character. Superstition puffs up ; but 
this spirit humbles, and makes men lowly and loving. Besides if this were 
superstition, then the prophets and apostles were superstitious. 

Ignatius goes on to warn this church against schisms and heresies ; that 
the foundation of the gospel is Christ and him crucified; he urges obedi- 
ence to their pastors, and thus modestly concludes : — "As yet I am not out 
of the reach of danger, but the Father is faithful in Jesus Christ, to fulfil 
my petition and yours, in whom may we be found blameless." 

The purport of his letters to Roman christians was to persuade them not 
to interfere to prevent his martyrdom. We will give a short quotation to 
show the ardor of his spiritual desires and his wish to depart. 

'; Pardon me ; I know what is good for me. Now I begin to be a disciple, 
nor shall any thing niove me, of things visible and invisible, that I may 
enjoy Jesus Christ. Let fire and the cross, the companies of wild beasts, 
let the breaking of bones and the tearing of limbs, let the grinding of the 
whole body, and all the malice of the devil come upon me ; be it so, only 
may I enjoy Jesus Christ, all the kingdoms of the world will profit me 
nothing. It is better for me to die for Jesus Christ, than to reign over the 
ends of the earth. Him I seek who died for us. Him I desire who rose 
again for us. He is my gain, laid up for me ; suffer me to imitate the 
passion of my God. If any of you have him within you, let him conceive 
what I feel, and sympathise with me, knowing what a conflict I have. The 
prince of the world wishes to carry me away and corrupt my purpose 
towards God. Let none of you present assist him. My love is crucified, 
and there is no fire that loves water, or its own extinction, but living and 
speaking in me it says, come to the Father. I have no delight in the bread 
that perisheth, nor in the pleasures of this life. I long for the bread of 
God, the flesh of Jesus Christ, of the seed of David ; and I desire to drink 
his blood incorruptible in love." If this were the spirit which animated 
martyrs, we may cease to wonder at the serenity, joyfulness and triumph 
with which they suffered and expired in the midst of tortures. 

Milner says, " No words can express in a stronger manner the intense- 
ness of spiritual desire, and one may look down with contempt and pity on 
all the magnanimity of secular heroes and patriots, as compared with it. 
Yet he says he has some doubt whether all this flame, strong and sincere 
as it unquestionably was, had not something mixed with it by no means of so 
pure a kind. In his zeal for martyrdom, he thinks he was wrong to dissuade 
the Roman Christians from saving his life if by lawful means. " There is 
not a just man on earth who doeth good and sinneth not." 



63 

The four epistles which we have noticed were written from Smyrna. 
They now sailed for Troas. Providence so far restrained the inhumanity of 
the guards, that the messengers of the churches sent to salute him, were 
allowed free intercourse with him. From this place he wrote three other 
epistles, one to Philadelphia, which church retained the honorable character 
exhibited in the book of Revelation. 

We may see the manner in which primitive christians enjoyed the grace 
of God, and admired and loved it as it appeared in one another, by his 
admiration of the Philadelphian Bishop, whose name is not given to us* 
" whom," he says, "I know not from himself nor by men to have obtained 
the ministry for the common good of saints, nor through vain glory, but in 
the love of God the Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ. I am perfectly 
charmed with his meekness : when silent he exhibits more power than vain 
talkers." He recommends them to preserve a unity in the administration 
of the Lord's Supper; "for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and 
one cup in the unity of his blood, one altar, as also one bishop, with the 
presbyters and deacons my fellow servants, that ye may do whatever ye do 
according to the will of God." 

In his defense of the faith and zeal against self-righteousness, he says : 
" If any interpret Judaism to you, hear him not. For it is better to hear 
the gospel from a circumcised person, than Judaism from an uncircumcised 
one. But if both speak not Jesus Christ, they are to me pillars and sepul- 
chres of the dead, on which are written only the names of men." 

Having spoken of the ancients, he says, "the ancient things to me are 
Jesus Christ, the ancient things inaccessible to men, his cross, and death, 
and resurrection, and faith which is in him, in which I desire (through your 
prayers) to be justified." 

He wrote also from Troas to the Smyrnians : and his commendations of 
them, says Milner, are consonant to the character they bear in the book of 
Revelations. They had weathered the storm of persecution which was 
there prophesied of, and had probably enjoyed the ministry of Polycarp 
from St. John's time. The most striking feature in this epistle is the zeal 
with which he warns them against the Decetae. The evil of this heresy 
lay, in thaC it took away the atoning blood of Christ, and the hope of a 
blessed resurrection. In what lies the real glory of the christian religion, 
in Ignatius' views, cannot be misunderstood : " I glorify Jesus Christ our 
God, who hath given you wisdom, for I understand that you are partakers 
of the immovable faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, who was really of the 
seed of David according to the flesh : born of the Virgin, really, who really 
suffered under Pontius Pilate. For all these things he suffered for us, that 
we might be saved ; and he truly suffered as also he truly raised up himself, 
not as some infidels say that he seemed to suffer, themselves only seeming to 
be, as they think it shall happen to them. I forewarn you of these beasts, 
who are in the shape of men, whom you ought not only not to receive, but 
if possible not even to meet with — only you ought to pray for them, if 
they may be converted, which is a difficult case. But Jesus Christ, our 
true life, has the power of this." It seems these heretics attempted to 
work themselves into the good graces of Ignatius. He sees through their 
designs, and says, " For what doth it profit me, if a man commend me, and 
yet blaspheme my Lord, denying him to have come in the flesh ? They 
separate from the eucharist and from prayer, because they confess not the 



64 

eucharist to be the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ, who suffered for our 
sins. They who contradict the gift of God, die in their own reasonings." 

One letter only remains to be mentioned — that to Polycarp. The whole 
of it, says Milner, deserves to be studied by all ministers : — 

" I exhort thee, by the grace with which thou art clothed, to apply 
thyself to thy course, and to exhort all that they may be saved. Do justice 
to thy station in all diligence both temporal and spiritual. Be studious of 
the best of blessings — unity. Bear with all, as also the Lord doth with 
thee. Bear with all in charity, as thou also doest. Find time for prayer 
without ceasing. Ask for more understanding than thou hast at present 
Watch, possessing a spirit ever attentive. Speak to each separately, 
according to the help of God. Bear with the diseases of all, as a perfect 
combatant. The more labor the more reward. If thou only be the obe- 
dient disciple, thou evidencest no grace. Rather bring into orderly subjec- 
tion the turbulent in meekness. Every wound is not cured by the same 
method of application. Watch as a divine wrestler : thy theme is immor- 
tality and eternal life. Let not those who seem experienced christians, and 
are yet unsound in the faith, stagger thee. Stand fast as an anvil contin- 
ually struck. It is the character of a wrestler to be mangled, and yet to 
conquer. Be more studious than thou art Consider the times, and expect 
Him who is above all time — who is unconnected with time — the invisible 
one made visible for us — the impossible but possible for us — who bore 
all sorts of sufferings for us. Let not widows be neglected : next to the 
Lord do thou take care of them. Let nothing be done without thy cogni- 
zance. Do thou nothing without the mind of God. Let assemblies be 
more frequently held. Seek out all by name. Despise not slaves of either 
sex ; yet let them not be puffed up, but serve more faithfully to the glory 
of God, that they may obtain a better liberty from God. Let them not 
desire to be set at \iberty at the charge of the church, lest they should be 
found slaves of lust. If any one remain in chastity for the honor of the 
Lord, let him do so, without boasting. If they boast they are lost : and if 
a man set himself above the bishop he is lost. It behooves the married to 
enter into that connection with the consent of the bishop, that their marriag-e 
may be after the will of God, and not to fulfil the lusts of the flesh." 

For further account of Ignatius' travels and martyrdom, see Milner, 1/2, 
beo-innino- " From Troas," 173 and 4 to the end of the chapter. Milner 
says, " I know not how the reader may conceive : but to my mind, under 
all the disadvantages of a style bloated with Asiatic tumors, (as our Anglo 
Saxon is by all kind of tumors in our times,) the ideas I have quoted, and 
the greatest part of the epistles is little inferior." He is here speaking of 
the epistle to the Ephesian church, which we have not quoted so fully; but 
we would apply it to all the epistles we have noticed. We see in them the 
charitable and heavenly mind of Ignatius, and in the commendation and 
counsel given to the churches, a fair pattern of real Christianity, alive in its 
roots and in its fruits. We see here what christians once were, and what 
the doctrines of divine grace are, and oh ! how it rebukes us. Where is 
that simple abiding in Christ and his word abiding in professed disciples? 
Do we not live in an apostate age? Are we not puffed up with our 
attainments and self-sufficiency ? 

We now enter the period of the first seal of Revelation : "And I saw, 
and behold, a white horse ; and he that sat thereon had a bow ; and a 






. Terms. — Three shillings, for the first three numbers, containing 32 pages each, to be 
paid on the deliver}' of the first. Those to whom the first numher is sent by mail, are 
requested to use their influence to extend its circulation, if they think the work worthy 
of the favor of the religious world. 



The proposed work is contained iu three series. The first commencing with the 
first century, and going forward to A. D. 324, the overthrow of Polytheism. The 
second, from A. D. 324, to the close of the 8th century, the full revelation of man's sin. 
The third, from the latter, to the Reformation. The two first are written. 

This is an experiment ; and on the success of the first three numbers will determine 
whether the work will proceed. 



No. III. 



GOD IN HISTORY: 



OR THE 



ACCOMPLISHMENT OF HIS PURPOSES 



AS DECLARED BY HIS SERVANTS 






THE PROPHETS, 



EXEMPLIFIED IN THE 



CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE WORLD. 



BY REV. JABEZ B. HYDE, 

First received Missionary amon^ the Seneca Indians. 



" SURELY THE LORD GOD WILL DO NOTHING, BUT HE REYEALETH HIS SECRE'I 
UNTO HIS SERVANTS THE PROPHETS:" AMOS 3: 7. 



BUFFALO : 
STEAM PRESS OF JEWETT, THOMAS & CO. 

Commercial Advertiser Buildings 

. 1848. 



•dOTnaaraam] 



BJ See last page of cover, 



65 






crown was given unto him; and lie went forth conquering and to conquer." 
We need not here repeat that this prophesy could not have been published 
till near the close of the first or beginning of the second century, and was 
of things which should be hereafter ; therefore, the success of the first 
preaching of the gospel by the apostles, could not be intended. But we 
must look for it afterwards. It was the first event which John saw. 

As we have given the secular history of this period and shown that it 
was a time of unparalleled peace and prosperity to the Roman world, 
from A. D. 100 to 180, we shall not recur to it again. Milner after 
speaking of the persecutions of the church under Trajan, and the effects 
of his edicts in the early part of Adrian's reign, says : " In the mean 
time the gospel spread more and more. A number of apostolical persons 
demonstrated by their conduct, that the spirit which had influenced the 
apostles rested upon them. Filled with divine charity, they distributed 
their substance to the poor, and travelled into regions which, as yet, had 
not heard the sound of the gospel ; and having planted the faith, they 
ordained other persons as pastors, committing to them the culture of the 
new ground, and passed themselves to other countries. Hence numbers, 
through grace, embraced the doctrines of salvation, at the first hearing, 
with much alacrity. It is natural to admire here the power of grace in 
the production of so pure and charitable a spirit, to contrast it with the 
illiberal selfishness too prevalent even among the best in our days, and to 
regret how little is done for the propagation of the gospel, through the 
world, by nations whose aids of commerce and navigation are so much 
superior to those enjoyed by the ancients. One advantage these chris- 
tians possessed indeed which we have not. They were all one body, one 
church, of one name, and cordially loved one another as brethren. The 
attention to fundamentals, to real Christianity, was not dissipated by schis- 
matic peculiarities, nor was the body of Christ rent in pieces by factions." 

In the foregoing we have followed Milner verbatim, who wrote some 
forty years since, in the infancy of missionary operations. But with all 
our advance in missionary effort; in two important particulars, we fall 
far short of these ancient missionaries. 1st. We lack their self-denying 
and devoted spirit. 2nd. In raising up laborers out of the converts to 
carry forward the work. We will only speak of what we have known 
among the Indians of our country. None acquainted with the facts, will, 
we think, venture to hope, in our present course, that we are so near, or 
that the prospect is so promising of raising up teachers among this people, 
to sustain the interests of religion as they were 190 years ago, in the 
time of Elliot, and his Indian bible. Had these zealous missionaries whom 
we have noticed, sent their young converts to Antioch, Alexandria or 
Athens, to receive a liberal education before they were allowed to 
preach, doubtless they would have experienced the same result that we 
have for two centuries. They would have returned spoiled. 

The good men of our country seem to have departed from the primitive 
way, which was to put all their converts into catechetical schools to be 
taught christian doctrines and christian duties more perfectly — not in a 
foreign, but in their own native tongue. This would diffuse general intelli- 
gence, develope character, and bring out those capable of teaching and 
presiding over their brethren. As the Indians are shut out by the pride of 
caste from mingling in social intercourse with those who have wrested from 
E 



66 

them, their country, how urgent and imperative the call on our compassion 
and benevolence that we should impart to them the word of God in their 
own language, and nurse them up a christian and intelligent people in their 
own communities. And this might have been done with mu^h less expense 
than what the foreign missionaries sustained among them have cost. And 
teachers raised up of their own people — men of capacity, understanding 
the word of God in their own tongue, and experiencing its power in their 
own hearts; with limited attainments at first, would, by applying them- 
selves, be able to keep in advance of their people in knowledge — able to 
teach, and knowing the peculiarities of their people, would, with compara- 
tively far less general knowledge, exceed foreign teachers, of high literary 
attainments, — be able to furnish their own ministers and send missionaries 
to other tribes — the most hopeful of missionaries to their brethren. But 
! must another two centuries go on as the past, should the patience of 
God endure so long ? We would gladly have spared these remarks had 
we not been persuaded that the interests of souls, and the honor of the 
gospel was concerned to an extent beyond what angels can conceive. But 
to return to Milner. He says : " There were indeed many heretics ; but 
real christians admitted them not into their communities; the line of 
distinction was drawn with sufficient precision, and a dislike of the person 
or offices of Christ, and of the real spirit of holiness, discriminated the 
heretics; and separation from them, while it was undoubtedly the best 
mark of charity to their souls, tended to preserve the faith and love of true 
christians in genuine purity. 

"Among these holy men Quadratus was much distinguished. He suc- 
ceeded Publius in the bishopric of Athens, who suffered martyrdom either 
in this or the foregoing reign. He found the flock in a dispersed and 
confused state — their public assemblies were deserted — their zeal grown 
cold and languid, their lives and manners were corrupted, and they 
seemed likely to apostatize from Christianity. Quadratus labored to recover 
them with much zeal and with equal success. Order and discipline were 
restored, and with them the holy flame of godliness. One of the strongest 
testimonies of these things, is the account which the famous Origen, (who 
lived some years after) in the second book of his treatise against Celsus, 
gives of the Athenian church. While this great man is demonstrating 
the admirable efficacy of christian faith, on the minds of men, he exempli- 
fies his position by this very church of Athens, on account of its good 
order, constancy, meekness and quietness, infinitely superior to the common 
political assembly at Athens, which was factious and tumultuary, and no 
way to be compared with the christians in that city: he affirms that it 
was evident that the worst parts of the church were better than the best 
of their popular assemblies. This is a very pleasing testimony to the 
growth of Christianity, since the time a handful of seed was sown there by 
St. Paul : and let the testimony of so penetrating and sagacious an observer 
as Origen, be considered as one of the many proofs that might be given of 
the happy effects which real Christianity has on human society. To a 
mind not intoxicated with vain ideas of secular glory, the christian part of 
Athens must appear infinitely more respectable than that commonwealth 
ever had been in the meridian of its glory." 

Such boldness, zeal, and faithfulness as seem, to have distinguished the 
teachers and the church generally, and the success which crowned their 



67 

efforts, could not fail to stir up the enmity of the enemies of the gospel to 
acts of violence and blood. Adrian, at this time, had made no public 
declaration as to his line of policy towards his christian subjects. But he 
left in full force the edicts of Trajan, which left christians in the power of 
any disposed to injure and persecute them on the charge of being christians. 
And the magistrate was compelled by the edict to enforce the penalty of 
death, on any avowing or being convicted of Christianity. 

In the sixth year of his reign, Adrian came to Athens to be initiated in 
the Eleusinian mysteries. This prince was remarkably fond of Pagan 
institutions. This circumstance demonstrates a spirit foreign to Chris- 
tianity. The persecution proceeded with sanguinary vigour ; when at 
length Quadratus presented an apology to the Emperor, defending the 
gospel from the calumnies of its enemies. 

Aristides, a christian writer, at that time in Athens, addressed himself 
also to Adrian in an apology on the same subject. The good sense of 
the emperor at length was roused to do justice to his innocent subjects. 
The sound sense and equitable appeal of these writers to the emperor may 
be supposed to have had some effect on his mind. Yet a letter from 
Serenius Granianus, pro-consul of Asia, doubtless moved him still more. 
He wrote to the emperor that it seemed to him unreasonable, that the 
christians should be put to death, merely to gratify the demands of the 
people, without any crime proved against them. This appears the first 
instance of any Roman governor daring publicly to throw out ideas contra- 
dictory to Trajan's iniquitous maxims, which inflicted death on christians 
as such, abstracted from any moral guilt. And probably the severe suffer- 
ings of christians at this period, which appear to have been very great in 
Asia, were more owing to the active and sanguinary spirit of persecution 
itself, which, from Trajan's example was become fashionable, than to any 
explicit regard for his edicts. We have Adrian's rescript addressed to 
Minucius Fundanus, the successor of Granianus, whose government seems 
nearly to have expired when he wrote to the emperor. 

To Minucius Fundanus. — " I have received a letter written to me by 
the very illustrious Serenius Granianus, whom you have succeeded. To 
me, then, the affair seems by no means fit to be slightly passed over, that 
men may not be disturbed without cause, and that sycophants may not be 
encouraged in their odious practices. If the people of the province will 
appear publicly and make open charges against the christians, so as to give 
them an opportunity of answering for themselves, let them proceed in that 
manner only, and not by rude demands and mere clamors. For it is much 
more proper if any will accuse them, that you should take cognizance of 
these matters. If any, then, accuse, and show that they commit any thino- 
against the laws, do you determine according to the nature of the crime. 
But, by Hercules, if the charge be a mere calumny, do you estimate the 
enormity of the offence, and punish it as it deserves. 

It is clear that Adrian did not mean to make the conduct of his prede- 
cessor the model of his own, and we shall see in the next reign the equity 
of his views. It is but justice due to this emperor, to free his character 
from the charge of persecution ; and christians of that or any age, could 
not object to the propriety of punishing them, equally with other men, if 
they violated the laws of the State. But it is the glory of the time we are 
now reviewing, that no men were more innocent, peaceable, and well dis- 



68 

posed citizens than they; but the enmity of men's minds against real godli- 
ness, so natural in all ages, laid them under extreme disadvantages, 
unknown to others, in vindicating themselves from unjust aspersions. This 
forms indeed one of the most painful crosses, which good men must endure 
in this life. One of these disadvantages was, there were many heretics 
wearing the name of christian, who were guilty of the most detestible enor- 
mities. These were indiscriminately charged by the pagans, on christians 
in general. This circumstance, in addition to other important reasons, 
rendered them careful in preserving the line of separation distinct : and by 
the excellency of their doctrine and the purity of their lives, they were 
enabled gradually to overcome all uncandid insinuations. They appear to 
have lived down calumny, and through the protection of those two excel- 
lent princes, Adrian and Pius, whom God raised up for their defence, 
(though they knew him not) — they were remarkably delivered from the 
malice of their enemies, — the gospel spread, and christians enjoyed 
in a good measure, for a season, the protection of law as other citizens. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Insurrection of the Jews under the imposter Barchochebas — their awful 
Destruction — The effect on the Jewish church — Adrian succeeded by 
Antoninus Pius — The unsuccessful efforts of the pagans to stir him up 
to renew the persecution — The emperor's reply — Brief notice of the 
character of this prince — Remarks on Justin Martyr — His education and 
remarkable conversion — Marcus Antoninus succeeded Pius, after a reign 
of 23 years Marcus was a proud philosopher. Gibbon says, "as a phi- 
losopher he despised the christians, and as a sovereign he punished them." 
He was a bitter persecutor all his reign of 19 years. — Tertullian — His 
character and testimony to primitive Christianity — Remarks on super- 
stition. 

We had prepared some general outlines of the plan, or the object aimed 
at in entering on a history of the church, 

1st. To learn what she was in her primitive state, as to her doctrine and 
practice, as might be gathered from her earliest writers and incidents of 
her history. 

2d. To notice the accomplishment of the religious feature of the First 
Seal, in the remarkable spread of the gospel, and the purity and protection 
of the church in the period referred to. 

3d. The historical incidents, and extraordinary persons raised up, shed- 
ding light on the history of the church, and on the ways of God in accom- 
plishing his purposes, and in administering his moral government. 

4th. The testimony of enemies. 

5th. The pagan persecutions, and the spirit with which christians endured 
them. 






69 



Something like this seemed to be needful to direct the eye to see God 
in History ; and that those events which may appear isolated, all have their 
relative position and office in the wonderful machine of divine providence. 
Something like this was intended as introductory to Church History, and 
to have immediately followed the contents of the 7th chapter. Now, as the 
only expedient left us, we insert it here, belonging as above. The first 
two have been considered : i. e. the writings of the early fathers, and the 
religious features of the first seal. Again, on page 64, is an important 
omission. Ignatius is left on his journey to Rome for execution, without 
any account of what became of him, except a reference to Milner, which 
very probably few readers possess. It was not the intention of the author 
to have left it so : he has no excuse, however, but being taken off by sick- 
ness, or neglecting to provide beforehand for such an event. Further 
account of Ignatius we will insert here. We left him at Troas, from which 
place he seems to have gone on foot through Macedonia and part of Epirus, 
having found a ship in one of the sea-ports, his conductors sailed over the 
Adriatic, and from thence entered the Tuscan sea. The wind continuing*; 
favorable, in one day and night, says his friend who accompanied him, " we 
were unwillingly hurried on, as sorrowing to think of being separated from 
the martyr. But to him it happened according to his wish, that he might 
leave the world the sooner and depart to his Lord, whom he ; loved. 
Wherefore, sailing into the Roman port, and these impure sports being over, 
the soldiers began to be offended with his slowness, but the bishop joyfully 
complied with their hastiness." The port where they landed was Ostia, 
some miles from Rome, and here he was met by the Roman christians, who 
intimated their strong desire for his preservation, but Ignatius was inflexible. 
He was now brought to Rome and presented to the prefect of the city. 

When he was led to execution he was attended by a number of the 
brethren, and was allowed to join in prayer with them. And he prayed 
to the Son of God in behalf of the churches, that he would put a stop to 
the persecution, and continue the love of the brethren toward each other. 
He was then led into the amphitheatre, and speedily thrown to the wild 
beasts. He had here, also, his wish. The beasts were his grave, a few 
bones only were left, which the deacons gathered carefully and preserved; 
and afterward buried them at Antioch. 

The writers thus conclude, " We have made known to you both the day 
and the time, that beino* assembled too-ether according to the time of this 
martyrdom, we may communicate with the magnanimous martyr of Christ, 
who trod under foot the devil,and completed the course which he had devoutly 
wished in Christ Jesus our Lord, by whom and with whom all glory and 
power be to the Father with the blessed Spirit for ever, amen." Here we 
find the first notice of saint days, or anniversaries held to commemorate, 
and communicate with departed martyrs. And we shall be astonished in a 
few centuries to find to what an enormous height this superstition grew, 
even to open and direct idolatry. Ignatius erred in judgment in his zeal 
and forwardness for martyrdom, which was contrary to the express command 
of Christ. His desire that the beasts might be his grave, might have arisen 
from an appearance of this veneration for martyrs of which honor he thought 
himself unworthy. 

But to return to the subjects of the chapter. The same equitable rule 
of government which forbade Adrian to punish the christians, led him to be 



70 

very severe against the Jews ; for now appeared Barchochebas, who preten- 
ded to be the star prophesied of by Balaam. This miserable people, who 
had rejected the true Christ, received the imposter with open arms ; w T ho 
led them into horrid crimes, and among the rest into a cruel persecution of 
the christians. (See Wilman's history of the Jews, vol. 3, p. 202.) Within 
the memory of some who witnessed the first destruction by Titus, came 
another mere sweeping to the remaining Jews — a destruction more complete 
through the whole land. Again more than half a million of that infatuated 
people perished by the sword, famine and pestilence, in a short time. The 
issue of the rebellion, was the entire exclusion of the Jews from the city 
and territory of Jerusalem. Another city was erected in its stead, and 
called after the emperor's name, Alia. We will here notice how the mother 
church of Jerusalem was affected by this great revolution. The christian 
Jews previous to the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, had retired to Pella, 
a little town beyond Jordan, inhabited by Gentiles. The unexpected retreat 
of Cestius, had given them this opportunity of effecting their escape. They 
must however have returned before Adrian's time, who coming to Jerusa- 
lem forty-seven years after that event, found there a few houses and a little 
church of christians, built on Mount Sion. Here the church of Jerusalem 
kept their solemn assemblies, and seemed to have acquired a splendid acces- 
sion by the conversion of Aquila, the emperor's kinsman, whom he made 
governor and overseer of the new city. But he, still pursuing his magic 
and astrological studies, was cast out of the church, strong proof that this 
church still retained a measure of its pristine purity and discipline. Cor- 
rupt churches are glad to retain persons of eminence in their communion, 
however void of the spirit of the gospel, (as we have abundantly seen in 
our days.) Aquila incensed, apostatised to Judaism, and translated the old 
Testament into Greek. 

This church we shall ao-ain notice under the head of Persecutions. For 
the present we shall only speak of the revolution under Adrian, which at 
length put an end to the Jewish church by the extirpation and banishment 
of this people. A new church however arose in Alia, of the Gentiles, whose 
first bishop was Mark. 

Adrian, after a reign of 21 years, was succeeded by Antoninus Pius, who 
appears to have been, at least in his own personal character and intentions, 
always guiltless of christian blood. It was difficult for the enemies of Christ 
to support a persecuting spirit, with any tolerably specious pretensions. 
The abominations of heretics, whom ignorance and malice will ever confound 
with real christians, furnished them with some excuse. Probably these 
were much exaggerated; but whatever they were, the whole christian name 
was accused of them. Incest and the devouring of infants were charged 
on them, and thus a handle was afforded for the barbarous treatment of the 
best of mankind ; till time detected the slanders, and men became at length 
ashamed of pretending to believe, what was, in its own nature, improbable 
and supported by no evidence. It pleased God, at this time, to endow some 
christians with the power of defending his truth, by the manly arms of 
rational argumentation. Justin Martyr presented his lirst apology to the 
emperor Antoninus Pius about the third year of his reign, A. D. 140. He 
was one of those who, in those dajs, were called philosophers. His con- 
version, views, labors, spirit and sufferings we shall notice in their place. 
Suffice it here to say, that the information and arguments which his lirst 



n 

apology contained, were not in vain. Antoninus was a man of sense and 
humanity, open to conviction, uncorrupted by the vain and chimerical philos- 
ophy of the times, and desirious of doing justice to all mankind. 

It will not be aside from our object to dwell longer on the character of 
this excellent prince, in this most blest period of the world, designated by 
the white horse. The pagans and enemies of the gospel were impatient in 
witnessing the peace, quietness and extending influence of Christianity. 
Asia Propria was a scene of vital Christianity, and of cruel persecution. 
Thence the christians applied to Antoninus, complaining of the many inju- 
ries which they sustained from the people of the country, who, it seems, 
laid to the charge of the christians, the earthquakes which had lately hap- 
pened. The pagans were much terrified, and ascribed them to the vengeance 
of Heaven against the christians. Eusebius and Justin both give the edict 
of the emperor on the occasion, every line of which, says Milner, deserves 
our attention. 

The Emperor to the Common Council of Asia. — " I am quite of an 
opinion, that the gods will take care to discover such persons. For it much 
more concerns them to punish those who refuse to worship them, than you, 
if they be able. But you harrass and vex them, and accuse them of Atheism 
and other crimes, which you can by no means prove. To them it appears 
an advantage, to die for their religion, and they gain their point, while they 
throw away their lives, rather than comply with your injunctions. As to 
the earthquakes, which have happened in past times, or lately, is it not 
proper to remind you of your own despondency when they happened ; to 
desire you to compare your spirit with theirs, and observe how serenely they 
confide in God ? In such seasons you seem to be ignorant of the gods, and 
neglect their worship, and you live in practical ignorance of the Supreme 
God himself, and you harrass and persecute to death those who do worship 
him. Concerning these men some others of the provincial governors wrote 
to our divine father (Adrian) to whom he returned answer, that they should 
not be molested, unless they appeared to attempt something against the 
Roman government. Many have signified to me concerning these men, to 
whom I have returned an answer agreeable to the maxims of my father. 
But if any will accuse any of them as such (as christians) let the accused 
be acquitted, though he appear to be a christian, and let the accuser be 
punished. 

" Set up at Ephesus in the common assembly of Asia." This was 
not an empty edict, but was really put in execution. Nor did this emperor 
content himself with one edict: he wrote to the same purport to the Laris- 
seans, the Thessalonians, the Athenians, and the Greeks. 

As this prince reigned twenty-three years, such vigorous measures must, 
after some time at least, have had their effect ; and we may conclude that 
during a greater part of this reign, the christians were permitted to wor- 
ship God in peace. We will add a few remarks on the conduct of this 
prince. 

1st. His tolerant spirit: " Not the most intelligent legislator in any age 
understood the natural rights of conscience better than Antoninus Pius. 
He saw that christians, as such, ought not to be punished. His subjects, 
bigoted and barbarous, were far from thinking so ; and it was not until after 
repeated edicts and menaces that he forced them to cease from persecution.' 



72 

" In the conduct of this emperor, (says Milner,) one may see how far 
human nature may advance in moral virtue by its natural resources, while it 
remains destitute of the grace of God, and a real principle of holiness. If 
the advocates of natural morality, considered as abstracted from Christian- 
ity, were to fix on a character the most able to support the weight of their 
cause, it would be their interest to put it into the hands of Antoninus Pius. 
He would defend it, not by pompous systems and declamatory flourishes, 
but by an amiable, generous and magnanimous conduct. I have been 
astonished at the character given of him. Doubtless, a more distinct and 
explicit detail of his life would lessen our admiration. We have not the 
advantages of knowing Antoninus as we do Socrates and Cicero : the former 
by the writings of his scholars, the latter by his own. Could this emperor 
be surveyed as accurately as these men, we might see serious defects ; but 
as it is, he far eclipses them. Despotic power seems to have been in his 
hands only an instrument of doing good to mankind. His temper was 
mild and gentle in a high degree ; yet the vigor of his government was as 
striking as if he had been of the most keen and irritable disposition. He 
took care of his subjects with so great diligence, that he attended to all 
persons and things, as if they had been his private property. Scarce any 
fault is ascribed to him, but that he carried his inquisitive temper to excess. 
Marcus, his successor, says of him, in his meditation, ' that he was religi- 
ous without being superstitious, and that he was not superstitious in the 
worship of the gods.' We cannot, therefore, doubt but that he had an 
opportunity of knowing what Christianity was. He knew something of it, 
and he approved the moral conduct of christians. He gave them the most 
honorable character; has no fear of them as disloyal and turbulent, and 
makes comparisons between the mand pagans to the advantage of the for- 
mer. From an expression in the edict, ' if they be able,' one might sus- 
pect that he had very little internal respect for the gods. Were there no 
God, no divine providence, and no future state, the virtue of this man 
would, doubtless, be complete. But his case shows, that it is possible, by 
the united influence of good sense, good temper, favoring circumstances, 
a secret, restraining influence on the one hand, and an inciting influence 
on the other, for a man to be extremely beneficent to his fellow-creatures, 
without the least regard to his maker. Surely, were Christianity and mere 
moral virtue the same thing, Antoninus ought to be called a christian. Yet 
it does not appear that he ever seriously studied the gospel. A skeptical 
carelessness and indifference, not unlike what we frequently meet with, 
seems to have possessed the mind of this amiable prince ; and while he 
attended to the temporal good of mankind, and felicitated himself on his 
good actions, he seemed to forget that he had a soul accountable to the 
Supreme Being, and scarcely to think it possible that it should have any 
guilt to answer for before him — or of his indebtedness to God for what he 
possessed. The evil of such contempt of God, is what mankind are of all 
things the least inclined to discern ; yet it is an evil of all others the most 
vehemently opposed, in scripture, under the several branches of idolatry, 
unbelief, self-righteousness and pride ; and without a knowledge of it, and 
a humble sense of guilt on account of it, the very nature of the gospel 
cannot be understood. The conclusion resulting from this consideration is, 
that godliness is perfectly distinct from morality, which always flourishes 
indeed where godliness is, but is capable of a separate existence. 



73 

" The edict of this emperor is a valuable testimony in favor of the chris- 
tians of that time, (about A. D. 161.) It appears that there were then a 
race of men devoted to the service of Christ, ready to die for his name, 
and on account of his religion, rather than renounce it ; who exemplified 
the superior worth of that religion by a superior probity and innocence of 
manners, so as to appear the best of subjects in the opinion of an emperor 
of the highest candor, intelligence, and acute observation. They were not 
inferior to the best of the heathen in morality, and had, besides, what the 
emperor confesses their enemies were void of, a sincere spirit of reverence 
for the Supreme Being, an unaffected contempt for death, and that, to which 
stoicism pretends, a real serenity of mind under the most pressing dangers, 
and this grounded on an unshaken confidence in God. We see, hence, that 
the outpouring of the spirit of God, which began at the feast of Pentecost, 
was still continued. Christians were so in power, and not in name only but 
by the testimony of a heathen prince ; and those who would substitute 
morality in the room of their religion, would do well to consider, that good 
morality itself knows of no support like that of Christianity. This divine 
religion comprehends every possible good thing that can be found in all 
others, and has, over and above, its own peculiar virtues, and a fund of con- 
solations and an energy of support under the prospect of death itself, and 
points out the only sure road to a blissful immortaility." 

Justin Martyr. — We have before noticed his apology to Pius. Some 
further account of him may throw further light on the ways of God, and 
the history of the church. We know not but with propriety it may be 
said of him, as the apostle Paul said of himself, " that he was separated 
from his mother's womb, and called by God's grace to be an apostle." God 
raised up and endowed Paul with all his capacity ; separated and appointed 
him to be educated at the feet of Gamaliel, and taught according to the 
perfect law of the fathers. Paul became a master in the Jew's religion ; 
he knew perfectly where their strength lay, and was fully prepared to meet 
them, and show the Jews how the whole of that dispensation was accom- 
plished in the sacrifice of the Messiah. Justin was raised up and brought 
on the stage when philosophy was rife, and putting forth its highest claims, 
and had borrowed from christian ethics its finest ornaments, and not only 
its splendid theory, but it could show off some of the brightest characters 
(to human observation) formed in its schools ; such as Antoninus Pius, 
whom we have been considering. At such a time Justin was brought 
forth, and taught after the most perfect masters of philosophy. He was 
the first of that class of men who embraced the gospel. His history is 
briefly as follows: — 

He was born in Palestine, in what was the ancient city of Sichem. His 
father was a Gentile : probably one of the Greek colony transplanted there 
on the expulsion of the Jews : who gave his son a philosophic education. 
In his youth he travelled for the improvement of his understanding, and 
Alexandria offered him all the entertainment which an inquisitive mind 
could desire from fashionable studies. The stoics appeared to him at first 
the masters of happiness. He gave himself up to one of this sect, till he 
found he could learn nothing from him of the nature of God. At length his 
tutor told him that this was a knowledge by no means necessary. He next 
betook himself to a Peripatetic, (a follower of Aristotle,) whose anxious 
desire of settling the price of his instructions, convinced Justin that truth 



74 

did not dwell with him. A Pythagorean next engaged his attention, who 
requiring of him the previous knowledge of music, astronomy and geom- 
etry, dismissed him for the present, when he understood he was unfurnished 
with those studies. In much solicitude he applied himself to a Platonic 
philosopher, with a more plausible appearance of success, than from any of 
the foreo-oino-. He o-ave himself to retirement. As he was walking near 
the sea, he was met by an aged person of a venerable appearance, whom 
he beheld with much attention. Do you know me ? says he : when Justin 
answered in the negative, he asked him why he surveyed him with such 
attention ? I wondered, says he, to find any person here. The stranger 
observed that he was waiting for some domestics; but what brought you 
here? says he. Justin professed his love of private meditation; the other 
hinted at the absurdity of mere speculation abstracted from practice ; which 
gave occasion to Justin to express his ardent desire of knowing God, and 
to expatiate on the praises of philosophy. The stranger, by degrees, endea- 
voured to cure him of his ignorant admiration of Plato and Pythagoras, 
and to point out to him the writings of the Hebrew prophets, as being 
much more ancient than any of those called philosophers, and led him to 
some views of Christianity, in its nature and in its evidences, adding, above 
all things, pray that the gates of light may be opened to thee, for they are 
not discernible, nor to be understood by all, except God and his Christ 
give to a man to understand. " The man having spoken and explained 
much more, left me," says Justin, " directing me to pursue these things, 
and I saw him no more. Immediately, a fire was kindled in my soul, and 
I had a strong affection for the prophets, and those men who are the friends 
of Christ, and weighing within myself his 'words, I found this to be the 
only true philosophy." 

Justin never received or exercised any office in the church ; and he still 
wore his philosophic garb, which might have been from his retaining too 
great an affection for the studies of his youth, or he supposed that by still 
wearing it he might be approached by Gentiles with greater freedom. He 
disputed and wrote against heretics, philosophers and Jews. On his exami- 
nation at his trial, before his martyrdom, the judge asked in what place do 
you instruct your scholars. Justin mentioned the place where he dwelt, and 
told the judge, that he explained Christianity to all who resorted to him. 
He appears from the first to be a warm hearted, zealous, active man. He 
shows in his writings the injustice and unreasonableness of charging on 
christians in general, the enormities said to perpetrated by heretics, with 
whom they had not the least communion. In his writings we find fresh 
proofs of the strong line of distinction kept up between christians and here- 
tics. He observes the latter are fond of the name, and yet are not perse- 
cuted. There was nothing in their spirit and conduct to provoke per- 
secution. He takes notice of the well known happy effects which the 
conduct of christians then had on mankind. " Many instances among us," 
he observes, " we have to show of powerful changes among men, of men 
being impressed by the sobriety and temperance of their neighbors, in 
favor of the gospel, or by observing the unexampled meekness of fellow 
travellers under cruel treatment, or the uncommon integrity and equity of 
those with whom they transacted business." We see, hence, fresh proofs 
of the continuance of vital religion in the time of Justin. A man calling 



75 

himself a christian, without any practical power of religion, would scarcely 
have been classed among the brethren. 

Marcus Antoninus succeeded Antoninus Pius. He stands high among 
heathen moralists. He glorified in his philysophy as much as in his diadem ; 
and wrote twelve books of meditations, a kind of moral science. The gen- 
eral administration of his government was firm yet equitable. Under him 
the Roman world continued its prosperity and quiet, except the christians, 
of whom he was a bitter persecutor during a reign of almost nineteen 
years. It was in his reign that Justin suffered martyrdom: and what 
immediately led to it was Justin's apology to that prince, detailing instances 
of gross injustice practiced on christians, which he saw was a dishonor to 
his government, and he would fain believe had not been authorized by him. 
"Conduct," he says, "unworthy of emperors, such as Pius the last, or 
Philosophus the present." But this, instead of moving Marcus to do jus- 
tice to the sufferino- christians, caused Justin to be hurried among; the vie- 
tims, and he witnessed a good confession, worthy of the life he had lived. 
His apology and martyrdom are documents worthy of attention. 

We have now arrived to the close of the great outpouring of the spirit, 
which beginning on the day of Pentecost, continued down in full vigor, till 
A. D. 150, perhaps 170, not without faults and many things amiss, and 
rebukable, as in the days of the apostles, yet in a good degree stable. We 
shall still find some excellent men mixed with light and shade, and the 
shade of a more deep and abiding character — the light still receding — with 
apparently few who were aware of the decline, or struggling for recovery, 
the body of professed christians departing further and further from 
the simplicity there is in Christ. How this was brought about we shall 
notice in its place. 

In the meantime, we will introduce another witness of what the gospel 
was, in his time. The famous Tertulian, or Afrian bishop, who resided in 
Carthage. This famed city, once the scene of Carthagenian greatness, now 
in the second century, abounded with christians. How or by whom Chris- 
tianity was introduced, is uncertain. Tertulian is famous for the amount of 
his writings, which have been preserved — far more volumnious than any 
other of the early fathers. He lived in the latter part of the second and 
beginning of the third century. He is one of those characters who are 
mixed with light and shade, and sometimes the dark shade seems to 
predominate. Yet he bears honorable testimony of what Christianity 
was in his time. He appears to have clear and sound views of the 
doctrine of the trinity in unity. " Father, Son, and Holy Ghost." He 
speaks of the Lord Jesus Christ as both God and man, son of man, and son 
of God, and called Jesus Christ. He speaks, also, of the Holy Spirit, the 
Comforter, the sanctifier of the faith of those who believe in the Father, 
Son, and Holy Spirit. He observes that this rule of faith had obtained 
from the beginning of the gospel, antecedent to any former heresies. 

In his apology, says Milner, the eloquence and argumentative power of 
our author, appear most conspicuous. He refutes, in the usual manner, 
the stale heathen calumnies, of christians feeding on infants. The remark- 
able power of christians over demons, he states in the same manner as 
various other fathers have done. He appeals to the consciences of man- 
kind, and a common practice even among idolaters founded on it, as proof 
of the unity of the Godhead. His description is remarkably striking : " What 



16 

God hath given," was an universal mode of speaking. In appealing to 
God, to say, " God sees it, and I recommend to God, and God will restore 
to me." A testimony of the soul, naturally in favor of Christianity : "And 
when men seriously pronounce these words they look not to the capitol, 
but to heaven. For the soul knows the seat of the living God, whence it 
had its own origin." 

A few further quotations will serve to show what real Christianity does 
for man, and what still remained in the Afrian Church at that time. Even 
when superstition and voluntary humility had made fearful inroads, the 
relic of better days, and established habits remained. 

Tertulian says, (in his apology to the emperor — most probably Severus,) 
" We pray for the safety of the emperors, to the eternal God — the true and 
the living God — whom emperors themselves would desire to be propitious 
to them above all others who are called gods. We, looking up to heaven 
with outstretched hands, because they are harmless ; with naked heads, 
because we are not ashamed ; without a prompter, because we pray from 
the heart ; constantly pray for all emperors, that they may have a long 
life, a secure empire, a safe house, strong armies, a faithful senate, a well 
moralized people, a quiet state of the world, whatever Caesar would wish 
for himself in his public or private capacity. I cannot solicit these things 
from any other, than from Him from whom I know, I shall obtain them, 
because he alone can do these things, and I am he, who may expect them 
from him, being his servant, and who worship him alone, and lose my life 
for his service. Thus, then, let the hoop pierce us, while our hands are 
stretched out to God; let crosses suspend us; let tires consume us; let 
swords pierce our breasts; let wild beasts trample on us. A praying chris- 
tian is in a frame for enduring any thing. Act in this manner, ye generous 
rulers ; kill the soul who supplicates God for the emperor. Were we dis- 
posed to return evil for evil, it were easy for us to revenge the injuries 
which we sustain. But God forbid that his people should vindicate them- 
selves by human fire, or be reluctant to endure that by which their sincer- 
ity is evinced. Were we disposed to act the part, I will not say of secret 
assassins, but of open enemies, should we want forces and numbers ? Are 
we not dispersed through the world ? It is true, we are but of yesterday, 
and yet we have filled all your places, cities, islands, castles, boroughs, 
councils, camps, courts, palaces, senate and forum. We leave you only 
your temples. To what war should we not be ready and well prepared, 
even though unequal in numbers, we who die with so much pleasure, were 
it not that our religion requires us rather to suffer death than to inflict it? 
Were we to make a general secession from your dominions, you would be 
astonished at your solitude." 

" We are dead to all ideas of honor and dignity ; nothing is more foreign 
to us than political concerns. The world is our republic." 

" We are a body united in one bond of religion, discipline, and hope. 
We meet in our assemblies for prayer. We are compelled to have recourse 
to the divine oracles for caution and recollection on all occasions. We 
nourish our faith by the word of God ; we erect our hope ; we fix our con- 
fidence; we strengthen our discipline by repeatedly inculcating precepts, 
exhortations, corrections, and excommunications, when it is needful. This 
last, as being in the sight of God, is of great weight, and is a strong preju- 
dice of the future judgment, if any behave in so scandalous a manner as 



11 

to be debarred from the holy communion. Those who preside among us 
are elderly persons, not distinguished for opulence, but worth of character. 
Every one pays into the public chest, once a month, or when he pleases, 
and according to his ability and inclination : for there is no compulsion. 
These are, as it were, the deposits of piety. Hence, we relieve and bury 
the needy ; support orphans, and decrepid persons ; those who have suffered 
shipwreck ; and those who, for the Word of God, are condemned to the 
mines, or imprisonment. This very charity of ours has caused us to be 
noticed by some : see, say they, how they love one another." He afterwards 
takes notice of the readiness with which the christians paid the taxes to 
the government, in opposition to the spirit of fraud and deceit with which 
so many acted in these matters. 

Here we have a precious relic of the purity, integrity, heavenly minded- 
ness, and passiveness under injuries, for which the first christians were so 
justly renowned. The effect of the glorious effusion of the Divine Spirit, 
was the production of this meek and charitable conduct, and every evidence 
that can be desired is given to evince the truth of this account. 

Tertulian was a stern, severe, harsh man : endured himself, and enjoined 
on others uncommanded austerities; yet his veracity was never called in 
question. And we have, also, the testimony — the confession of enemies to 
the same facts. This will be our next particular to consider. 

But before entering on this, we will offer a few remarks on super- 
stition, which has made inroads in the church even before this period — the 
last of the second or the beginning of the third century. Superstition and 
true religion can dwell together in the same persons and communities : that 
is, when superstition is only used as a means of grace, as voluntary suffer- 
ings to promote humility, or the relics of holy persons and things are used 
as means of more sensibly affecting the mind and deepening instruction, while 
the soul rests wholly on the merits of Jesus Christ, for justification only 
through faith in his blood. Such may be truly pious. But such append- 
ages have ever been found dangerous "expedients, and have resulted in 
either leading the soul to rest on these superstitious observances, or to 
believe as the Roman Catholics pretend, that the merits of Christ can reach 
the soul only through these channels. They say that the blood of Christ is 
deposited with the Pope, and can flow to other men only through the chan- 
nels he hath ordained. 

True religion and superstition may be found dwelling together. But 
true religion will not dwell with heresy. They are antipodes — irreconcil- 
able antagonists where fundamental truth is concerned; for the belief 

o ... 

and love of the truth are essential to salvation, and none are sanctified 
only through the truth. "Where persons are not brought to see that 
they are saved wholly as lost sinners, through the redemption there is 
in Christ Jesus, they have no lot or portion in the salvation of the gospel. 

We live in an advanced state of the world ; the human mind is devel- 
oping ; " many are running to and fro and knowledge is increasing." 
Many also believe in an advancement of the church; that the present 
generation is not only far wiser, but better than any that preceded it. 
So we boast, and so it must be or we are most dangerously deceived. 

None will dispute our attainments in scieniific knowledge — the disco- 
very of the power of steam, and its convertible application to facilitate 
every operation to which it is applied ; and also our electric celerity. 



78 

But on which of these improvements do we find writen " Holiness to 
the Lord? " Are not the general and primary improvements of these 
facilities consecrated to pamper the lusts and pride of men and hurry 
them with electric speed through the world without a moment for 
reflection? 0, when shall they be holiness to the Lord? Doubtless in 
due time. 

But as to our moral and religious attainments. — Should we measure 
ourselves by ourselves, we know who has declared we " are not wise." 
Suppose we should measure ourselves, as to our humble, self-denying, 
practical godliness, by those rustic, antique, superstitious Afrians ? Shall 
we find occasion to glory over them, and glorify ourselves as rich, increased 
in goods, and in need of nothing? One thing seems to appear most 
evident that we live in a time of most sad delusion, or the religion of 
of the Bible has been greatly changed from what it was at the beginning. 



CHAPTER IX. 



Testimony of enemies — Story of Peregrinus — Pliny's letter to Trajan — 
Remarks on the letter — Lucian's testimony — Epictetus' testimony — Cel- 
cus' testimony — What may be inferred from it. Aristotle's testimony — 
Galen's testimony — Porphyry's testimony — What may be inferred from 
such a cloud of witnesses. 

We will now proceed to adduce the testimon} r of enemies to the character 
of christians. We will begin with the story of Peregrinus, as told by Lucian 
the Satirist. This Lucian was as celebrated as a satirist as was Cicero as 
an orator. He seems to have aimed his satire at whatever came in his way. 
Gibbon complains that Lucian's satire of the gods, their worshippers and 
rites, furnished the christians with their best armor to oppose idolatry. This 
Peregrinus, the hero of the story was a real character, and an extraordinary 
man. Lucian says for his shameful crimes in his youth, he was near losing 
his life in Armenia and Asia. But he will not dwell on that, but .says : — 
"There is none of you but know that being chagrined that his father was 
still alive after being turned sixty, he strangled him. For this he was obliged 
to flee, and wandered about in divers countries, to conceal the place of his 
retreat, till, upon coming into Judea, he learnt the admirable doctrine of the 
christians, by conversing with their priests and teachers. In a little time he 
shewed them that they were but children compared to him, for he became 
not only a prophet, but the head of the congregation ; in a word he was 
everything to them; he explained their books and composed some himself; 
inasmuch that they spoke of him as a god, and considered him as their law- 
giver and ruler. However these people adore that Great Person, who was 
crucilied in Palestine, as being the first who taught them that religion. 
While these things were going on Peregrinus was apprehended and put in 
prison on account of his being a christian. This disgrace loaded him with 
honor, the very thing he ardently desired, — made him more reputable among 
those of that persuasion, and furnished him with the power of performing 



79 

wonders. The christians grievously afflicted at his confinement used their 
utmost endeavors to procure his liberty, and as they saw they could not 
compass it, they provided abundantly for all his wants, and rendered him 
all imaginable services. There was seen by break of day, at the prison gate 
a company of old women, widows, and orphans, some of whom, after having 
corrupted the guards, with money, passed the night with him. There they 
partook together of elegant repasts, and entertained one another with 
religious discourse. They called that excellent man the new Socrates. 
Then came even christians deputed from many cities of Asia, to converse 
with him, to comfort him, and bring him supplies of money ; for the love and 
diligence which the christians exert in these junctures is incredible ; they 
spare nothing in these cases. They sent therefore large sums of money 
to Peregrinus, and his confinement was to him an accession of amassing 
great riches ; for these poor creatures are firmly persuaded they shall one 
day enjoy immortal life ; therefore they despise death with wonderful cour- 
age, and offer themselves voluntarily to punishment. The first lawgiver has 
put it into their heads that they are all brethren. Since they separated 
from us, they persevere in rejecting the gods of the Grecians, and worship- 
ping that deceiver, who was crucified ; they regulate their manners and 
conduct by his laws ; they despise, therefore, all earthly possessions, and 
enjoy them in common. Therefore if any magician or juggler, any cunning 
fellow who knows how to make his advantage, happens to get into their 
society, he immediately grows rich ; because it is easy for a man of this 
sort to abuse the simplicity of these silly people. How r ever Peregrinus was 
set at liberty by the president of Syria, who was a lover of philosophy and 
its professors and who having perceived that this man courted death, out 
of vanity and fondness for renown, released him, despising him too much 
to have a desire of inflicting capital punishment on him. Peregrinus returned 
to his own country, and as some were inclined to prosecute him on account 
of his paracide, he gave all his wealth to his fellow citizens, whobeino- 
gained by his liberality, imposed silence on his accusers. He left his country 
a second time to travel, reckoning he should find everything he wanted in 
the purses of the christians, who were punctual in accompaning him 
wherever he went, and supplying him with all things in abundance. He 
subsisted in this manner for some time, but having done something which 
the christians abhor — they saw him I think, make use of some meats for- 
bidden among them — he was abandoned by them. 

" The native place of this extraordinary man, was Parium, in Mysia. 
After his renunciation of Christianity he assumed the character of a philoso- 
pher. In that light he is mentioned by several heathen authors ; and this 
part he acted till the time of his death, when in his old age he threw him- 
self into the flames, probably because suicide was honorable in the eyes of 
the Gentiles, and because Empedocles, a philosopher, had thrown himself 
into the volcano at Mount vEtna." 

The point of the satire is solely directed against the the weakness of this 
confiding people, that they should be imposed upon by this artful accom- 
plished villain, of extraordinary attainments in duplicity. Such characters 
have not been unfrequent in our world. The characters that Lucian 
would hold up to ridicule, were a company of benevolent, warm-hearted 
people, believing Peregrinus to be what he pretended to be — a brother 
suffering for righteousness' sake, and they flew to his relief, and comforted 



80 

him in his affliction and were not weary in well doing. These are the persons 
worthy to held be up as objects of ridicule, and why? Because an artful, 
wicked man had been successful in imposing on a company of such gene- 
rous, warm-hearted, confiding people, as he represents the christians to be. 

Doubtless christians of our day, are too knowing and prudent, look 
too well to their own things, to be drawn in to make such sacrifices. But 
after all the mortification of being imposed upon, which course would a 
christian look back upon with most approbation, his having through fear of 
imposition, left a brother or fellow being to real suffering, or having relieved 
one, who, in the end, proved an impostor ? 

But the direct testimony of Lucian to the excellent character of chris- 
tians. — If the followers of Jesus were more solicitous in guarding against 
that species of delusion which is the most fatal — the delusion of man's own 
heart — if they had learned to spare their neighbors' motes, and feel their 
own beams, and fronrsuch a spirit were exposed to the snares of designing 
men, the thing is surely to their honor, rather than disgrace. As for the 
rest, their liberality, their zeal, their compassion, their brotherly love, their 
fortitude, their heavenly mindedness, are confessed in all this narrative, to 
have been exceedingly great. Who but rejoices to hear from the mouth 
of an enemy such testimony to the character of christians ? Tertulian's 
account is not more flattering. He might be suspected of partiality to his 
brethren and party; but Lucian is clear from this. Milner says of Lucian's 
account of christians, that taken in all its circumstances, it is the best he 
had met with in the second century. Christians, then, must at least have 
been, in morals, much superior to the rest of mankind. And while we may 
glory over their credulity, let us see to it that we bear the fruit, so conspi- 
cuous in these honest hearted christians. 

This Lucian was an epicurean, as full of wit as of profaneness. His dia- 
logues, says Milner, abound in sarcastic insinuations against the fashionable 
idolatry. He did not know that he was co-operating with christians in sub- 
verting the abominations which had subsisted for ages. His writings were 
doubtless of use in this respect, yet nothing was farther from his thoughts. 

There is a dialogue called Philopatris ascribed to Lucian, but some who 
possess means of examining the subject, judge it of later date, it ridicules 
the doctrine of the Trinity, * One in three, three in one — the most high God, 
Son of the Father, the Spirit proceeding from the Father." Such are the 
expressions in the dialogue. He speaks of a beggarly, sorrowful company 
of people : — some of them pass ten whole days without eating, and they 
spend whole nights in singing hymns. We see in all this, the language of 
an enemy, describing men of holy lives and mortified affections, worship- 
ping the Father, the Son, and the Hory Ghost, and elevated in their desires 
and spirit above the world — real christians. 

We will now turn back to Pliny's letter to Trajan, A. D. 106, or 107, the 
earliest testimony of an enemy in favour in favor of christians — what they 
were in his day. Pliny was appointed governor of Bithynia, where Peter's 
labors were abundantly blessed to the circumcision. Bithynia is one of the 
places named in his epistles. The moral character of Pliny, is one of the 
best in all Pagan antiquity : among his duties as governor, one was to carry 
out the persecuting edicts of Trajan against the christians. In the prose- 
cution of this branch of his duty, he was perplexed — which occasioned this 
letter to Trajan, and Trajan's answer. Both are important documents, and 



81 

worth transcribing at length: but as we hare seen them in print more fre- 
quently than any other article of church history, we shall only give extracts 
with remarks. 

1st. Pliny acknowledges his ignorance of the subject of Christianity — 
" he had never been present at any examination of christians. 

2d. He was ignorant "of the object either of the inquiry or punishment, 
and to what length either of them was to be carried — whether any distinc- 
tion should be made between the young and the old, the tender and the 
robust; whether any room should be given for repentance; or could not the 
guilt of Christianity once incurred be expiated by the most unequivocal 
retraction : whether the name itself, abstracted from any flagitiousness of 
conduct, or the crime connected with the name, be the object of punish- 
ment." He then informed the emperor how he had proceeded, with 
respect to those who had been brought before him as christians. " I asked 
them whether they were christians; if they plead guilty, I interrogated 
them afresh, with a menace of capital punishment. In case of obstinate 
perseverance, I ordered them to be executed. For of this I had no doubt, 
whatever was the nature of their religion, that sullen and obstinate inflexi- 
bility, called for the vengeance of the magistrate. Some there were infected 
with this madness, whom on account of their privilege of Roman citizens, I 
reserved to be sent to Rome to be referred to your tribuual." 

Then he informs the emperor of the multitudes that were complained of 
and reported to his tribunal, some of whom denied that they were or ever 
had been christians ; others confessed that they had been, but had now left 
them, some for a longer, and others a shorter time: these were required to 
repeat an invocation to the gods, and to the emperor's image — perform 
sacred rites to the imao-e with wine and frankincense and execrate Christ; 
none of which things, I am told, (says he) a real christian can ever be 
compelled to do. On this account I dismissed them. And this business 
was continually increasing on his hands. He made enquiries of those who 
owned they had been christians, but from their account he could not deter- 
mine whether it deserved the name of crime or error. Those who had 
renounced Christianity, affirmed that they were accustomed to meet on a 
stated day (the Lord's day, no doubt) before daylight, and to repeat among 
themselves, a hymn to Christ as God, and to bind themselves by an oath 
not to commit any wickedness ; to abstain from theft, robberies and adulte- 
ries ; not to violate any promise or deny any pledge. After which, it was 
their custom to separate, and meet again at a promiscuous, harmless meal, 
from which last they yet desisted, after the publication of my edict, (says 
Pliny,) in which, agreeably to your orders, I forbade any societies." 

This was the meagre account Plinv obtained from those recreants, who 
said that they had been christians, but had left them from some five to 
twenty years before. It seems strange, when their own reputation required 
some justifiable reason for leaving the christians, as well to ingratiate them- 
themselves with their new master, who was troubled to find a good cause 
for putting christians to death, it is strange that they could not find something 
in them which might have been tortured to their disadvantage. The lives 
of christians at that time, must have been singularly holy and harmless. 
From this account there can be but little doubt that the christians met on 
this stated day, (the Lord's day) for prayer and praise. They say they 
worshipped Christ as God. After this morning service, they separated and 
F 



S2 

met again for more public worship, and to celebrate the Lord's Supper, 
which was the practice in the primitive church every Lord's day. And the 
christians were under solemn covenant to God and one another, not to do 
any iniquity. And Pliny testifies to their submission to authority, by 
desisting from public worship when commanded by the emperor's edict. 

Pliny was not satisfied with the account of these recreants. Something, 
he imagined, deep and dark was left hidden. " On which account," 
lie says, " I judged it more necessary to enquire by torture from two 
females, who were said to be deaconesses, what is the real truth? But 
nothing could I collect, except a depraved and excessive superstition. 
Deferring, therefore, any further investigation, I determined to consult you. 
For the number of culprits is so great, as to call for serious consultation. 
For many are informed against of every age and of both sexes, and more 
still will be in the same situation. For the contagion of the superstition 
hath spread not only through cities, but even villages and the country. 
Not that I think it impossible to check and correct it. The success of my 
endeavors hitherto, forbids such desponding thoughts ; for the temples, once 
almost desolate, begin to be frequented, and the sacred solemnities, which 
had been long intermitted, are now attended afresh ; and the sacrificial 
victims are now sold everywhere, which once could scarce find a purchaser. 
Hence I conclude that many might be reclaimed, were the hope of impu- 
nity absolutely confirmed." 

The following facts, then, are clearly established : — 
1st. Christians worshiped Christ as God. 

2d. Their lives were so singularly holy and harmless, that those who had 
walked with them in all the intimacy of brethren, and whose character 
would need something to justify their conduct in separating from them, 
could yet find nothing which could be tortured to their disadvantage. 

Pliny earnestly sought, yet could find no reason why christians should 
suffer at all; but their fidelity to Christ, they would not deny, nor execrate 
him to save their lives. This he calls sullen, obstinate inflexibility. Under 
the excitement of these harsh epithets, he could strengthen his arm to the 
bloody deeds. Not a word of sedition, turbulence, or resisting authority; 
but all is passiveness — no rendering evil for evil, or railing for railing. If 
there had been a shade of such an appearance, Pliny would have hailed it 
with delight, and transmitted it to his master, and it would have been 
echoed by every infidel to this day. From the two poor women whom 
Pliny tortured, he could obtain nothing, except a '. depraved, excessive super- 
stition.' Pliny! amiable Pliny! What is man in his best estate but 
vanity and a lie. To sustain himself with himself, and to Trajan, his 
master, poor Pliny has no refuge but in accusing epithets : of "depraved 
and excessive superstition." Why could he not have given his master 
•some of the items ? Must not christians be men of another spirit than the 
rest of the world, even the most amiable ? 

3d. We learn the success and prevalence of the gospel at this period. 
We see, also, in the numbers, purity and steadfastness of the great body of 
the Christians in Bithynia and the region around them, the fruit or effect 
of that divine power, which wrought effectually in Peter to the Apostleship 
of the circumcision ; the same that was mighty in Paul towards the Gentiles. 
4th. We learn the necessity and benefits of persecution, to expose and 
cast out stony-ground hearers, and hollow-hearted professors. 



83 

An inquiry may urge itself upon us, how long the church, in its present 
state, can continue without persecution ; and who will stand when it shall 
break upon us ? 

We will introduce further testimony of enemies. In every age they 
have agreed, almost to a man, in using no other weapons than ridicule. 
Professed sophists and satirists exhibited and ridiculed things which the 
christians believed and practiced. 

Epictetus, who lived in the 2d century, says, among other things : " These 
Galileans are indifferent to sufferings from madness or from habit." 

A good witness of christian's fortitude and patience under suffering. 

Celsus, who wrote the latter part of the 2d century, says : " The Saviour 
learned his miraculous arts in Egypt, and for these miracles declared himself 
God." 

" The apostles were infamous men, publicans and abandoned mariners. 
You christians say that God was sent to sinners, but why not to those who 
are free from sin ? What harm is it not to have sinned ?" 

" You encourage sinners, because you are not able to persuade any 
really good men ; therefore you open the doors to the most wicked and 
abandoned." 

" Some of them say, do not examine, but believe, and thy faith shall save 
thee." He reminds the christians " that the disciples Avho were the best 
acquainted with their Master, when he was apprehended as a criminal, had 
no notion of dying with him, but denied him, and fled — they did not 
despise suffering, but now you die with him." 

" He persuaded only twelve abandoned sailors and publicans, and not all 
of these." 

"He frequently upbraids christians for reckoning him who had a 
mortal body to be God ; and looking on themselves as pious on that account" 

In other mysteries of religion he says, " the crier says, * whoever has 
clean hands, a good conscience, and a good life, let him come in.' But let 
us hear whom they call : Whosoever is a sinner, a fool, an infant, a lost 
wretch, the kingdom of God will receive him; but a just man, who has 
proceeded in a course of virtue, from the beginning, if he look up to Him 
he will not be received." 

These are but a small specimen of the bitter, sarcastic remarks of Celsus 
against Christians. Yet in his carricature are clearly discernible some 
genuine features of the Gospel. And what he saw stirred up the venom 
of his heart against a persecuted, unoffending people. 

1st. We see that there was at that time a singular sect of people, 
sufficiently numerous ; and of consequence enough to provoke such men as 
Celsus; that they were defenceless, and might be hunted down at pleasure, 
by violence or calumny. All this they bore with patience ; not a word of 
their turbulence or sedition in all his writings or in any of the writings of 
their enemies. Like Daniel, their enemies " could iind occasion or fault in 
them, except concerning the law of their God." Had there been any fault 
in their walk, these vigilant enemies would not have failed to bring it out 
and expose it. 

2d. It could not be the doctrine of common morality which the Christians 
taught. Celsus owns that they taught it, but says the philosophers taught 
it better. 

3d. They taught the fallen, sinful state of man by nature — " there is 
none that doeth good, no not one." 



84 

4th. That salvation was of grace, through faith. 

oth. They preached repentance and remission of sins to all men, for all 
men needed repentance and to have their sins remitted. And they invited the 
chief of sinners to come and accept the salvation of the Gospel through the 
name of Jesus. 

6th. Christians worshipped Him as God, who was crucified. 

7th. Christians patiently and cheerfully suffered and died for their religion 
when called to it. 

These features of Christianity we think are distinctly marked in Celsus' 
carricature. 

Aristides, the sophist, speaks of those in his day, " not unlike the impious 
people of Palestine, for they acknowledge not the Gods ; they differ from 
the Greeks and all good men ; dexterous in subverting houses and disturbing 
families ; contributing nothing to public festivals, but dwelling in corners — 
they are wonderful wise." 

Here is testimony to the singular abstinence of christians from the 
reigning vices and follies of the times ; and their steady adherence to the 
worship of the one living and true God, and their labors to persuade their 
fellow men to forsake their idols and turn to Him ; and also that their labors 
were not in vain, and the effect was what the Saviour had declared it would 
be — it raised up opposition and caused divisions. 

Galen, the famous physician, gives testimony to the firmness and perse- 
verance of christians, that all other sorts and sects of men were more easily 
persuaded to renounce their opinions than they. 

Porphyry is the last we shall notice of these unwilling witnesses for the 
Gospel. He lived in the last of the third century. He justly blames 
Origen for his fanciful mode of interpreting the scriptures. He accuses 
him that he learned his allegorical method of explaining the scriptures from 
the philosophers, in explaining the Greek mysteries, which he says, truly, 
is unsuitable to explaining the scriptures. He notices the censure St. 
Paul, in his epistle to the Galatians, has left on Peter. This engaged his 
attention, and from this he framed an argument against the whole of their 
religion. Peter's 2d epistle might have satisfied him. It shows, however, 
the excellency of christian character and their consistency of conduct, when 
their adversaries must resort to such frivolous objections to find occasion 
against them or their religion. 

On account of an epidemical disorder raging in a certain city, Porphyry 
observes: "Men wonder now that distempers have seized the city so many 
years, j3£sculapius and the other gods no longer dwelling- among them ; for 
since Jesus was honored, no one has received any public benefit from the 
gods." 

Good testimony to the progress of Christianity in his day. Malevolence 
confesses, while she complains. 

" Matrons and women," says Porphyry, " compose the Senate. They rule 
the churches, and the priestly order is disposed of according to their good 
pleasure." The falsity of this is notorious; but the testimony to the 
piety of women is perfectly agreeable to the accounts of the New Testa- 
ment, and the history of all revivals of godliness in every age, in none of 
which women had the government, in all by their piety, a great personal 
concern. "There is neither male nor female, but ye are one in Christ 
Jesus" 



85 

One passage more of Porphyry. He says: " A person asked Apollo how 
to make his wife renounce Christianity ? It is easier, perhaps, replied the 
oracle, to write on water, or to fly in the air, than to reclaim her. Leave 
her to her folly — to hymn in a faint, mournful voice, the dead God, who 
publicly suffered death from judges of singular wisdom." 

" This story is a memorable testimony of the constancy of christians, and 
also that they were accustomed to worship Jesus as God, and that they were 
not ashamed of this, notwithstanding the ignominy of his cross. The testi- 
mony given here to the singular wisdom of Caiaphas and Pontius Pilate, 
will not be so readily admitted." 

Here we are surrounded by a cloud of witnesses — friends and enemies, 
both agreeing as to the general facts of the existence of Christianity in the 
first three centuries, but widely differing as to its character and tendency. 

Those who so believe the gospel as that it becomes a practical principle 
with them, believe that men are fallen, and dead in trespasses and sins, and 
are recovered and made spiritually alive only through the redemption there 
is in Christ Jesus. Christians believe, as their enemies affirm, that Jesus 
Christ is God, and they worship Him as God who was crucified ; they 
believe, also, that he is man ; that he assumed the nature of a man ; was 
born of a woman ; as a man grew in knowledge and stature ; was very 
God and very man — the Son of God — the Son of Man—one person. He 
became man that he might be the brother and mediator of his people, when 
he made his soul an offering for sin — that through his sacrifice and medi- 
ation, repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his name 
among all nations. And also there is no forgiveness or salvation from sin 
and wrath to come but through faith in his blood. This was acknowledged 
on both sides to be what the christians believed and taught. And for this 
their enemies mocked, ridiculed, reviled, persecuted and put to death count- 
less multitudes, by all conceivable tortures, for no other offence than for 
simply believing and affirming that they and all men were sinners, and that 
none could obtain forgiveness only through repentance towards God and 
faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. They also affirmed that the idols of the 
heathens were not Gods, but vanity and a lie. On the part of the professed 
christians were meekness, harmlessness, passiveness, patience and joyfulness. 
under suffering. To their adversaries belonged the invention of torture, 
and exulting in the agonies they inflicted and witnessed. But this we shall 
see to better advantage when we treat of persecution. Now if there is any 
religious or moral truth in the universe of God, it is on one side or other of 
this question. One is from above ; the other from beneath. Judge ye. 

We should notice the remarkable sameness of thought, expression and 
manner of the opposers of the Gospel for the last sixteen hundred years. 
It is remarkable that in such a variety of talent and circumstances there 
should be found so little originality. 



86 



CHAPTER X. 



First persecution at Jerusalem — Martyrdom of James I. — Also of James 
II. — Hegissippus's and Josephus's account — Church at Jerusalem— Nero's 
Persecution — Tacitus's account — Milner and Gibbon agree — Destruction 
of Jerusalem — Church at Pella — Persecution of Domitian, only from 
Pagan writers — Account of Milner and Gibbon agree — Trajan's perse- 
cution — Pliny's letter — Gibbon's apology. 

Persecutions. — Nothing so tests character, as trials, exposure to danger 
and suffering. Many who appear fair and promise much in the sunshine of 
prosperity, in times of adversity, when dangers threaten and sacrifices are 
called for, soon shew their hollow heartedness — that all their fair preten- 
sions were deception, and that they have no root or soundness of principle 
in them. In nothing else is the gospel more clearly demonstrated to be 
divine, and a real and abiding principle in the heart of the true disciple, 
than his conduct under persecution. Millions in the furnace of persecution 
have witnessed that their love to Christ and his cause was not in word and 
tongue only, but in deed and in truth, and have well sustained the confi- 
dent appeal of the Apostle. — Rom. VIII. 35, 39. "Who shall separate us 
from the love of Christ? Shall tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or 
famine, or peril, or nakedness, or sword?" " Nay," he says, "in all things 
we are more than conquerors, through Him that hath loved us." See to 
end of chapter. Martyrs have well sustained the appeal. And nothing- 
like persecution shews the genuine character of true religion and its con- 
trast with the spirit of the world, and the opposite spirit of the combatants 
in that war in heaven spoken of by John. Here we see the principles of 
the parties carried out to their legitimate results, and also to the weapons 
brought into the field. From the bible we learn that the church was early 
called to endure persecutions. At Jerusalem, and wherever the Gospel 
was successfully preached, christians were exposed to tumult and popular 
outbreaks. Yet persecution was not commanded or authorized by the 
Roman government, (the red dragon,) until the time of Nero, from A. D. 
64 to 68, and he did not persecute christians as christians, but as incendi- 
aries, accusing them of burning Rome, to turn off the public odium from 
himself, who was justly suspected of the deed. This we shall notice in its 
place. 

We shall now enter directly on giving a regular sucession of the promi- 
nent persecutions as they occur in order of time, giving sufficient details to 
shew the spirit and conduct of the two parties. 

The first of the Apostles who suffered martyrdom was James, the son of 
Zebedee. It appears that Herod sacrificed him to ingratiate himself with 
the Jews. The following incident is related by Hegissippus, an historian 
of that time. He relates that the man who had drawn James before the 
tribunal, when he saw the readiness with which he submitted to martyrdom, 
was struck with remorse, and by one of those sudden conversions not 



87 

unfrequent amidst remarkable outpourings of the spirit, was himself turned 
from the power of Satan unto God, and confessed Christ with great cheer- 
fulness. They were both led to execution. In the way the accuser 
desired the forgiveness of the Apostle, which was readily obtained. James 
turning to him, answered, Peace be to thee, and kissed him, and they were 
beheaded together. The efficacy of divine grace, and the blessed fruit of 
holy example, are both illustrated in this story. 

Almost on the first preaching of the gospel, the spirit of persecution was 
stirred, but did not proceed to blood till Stephen, who was the first martyr, 
and his martyrology is given in the bible. In the beginning of the 8th 
chapter of Acts, we read, " And Saul was consenting to his death. At 
that time there was a great persecution of the church which was at Jeru- 
salem, and they were all scattered abroad throughout the region of Judea, 
and Samaria, except the apostles. As for Saul, he made havoc of the 
church, entering into every house and halting men and women, committed 
them to prison. Therefore they that were scattered abroad went every 
where preaching the word." 

We are not informed with what spirit the victims sustained their suffer- 
ings, but we can have no doubt but it was in a manner honorable to the 
gospel. The spirit shown by those who were not arrested, shews the 
excellent state the church was in. " They went every where preaching 
the word." And the adorable Providence should not be overlooked in 
overruling the malice of the enemies of the church to the wide-spreading 
of the gospel — in urging on the servants of Christ to go about, fulfilling 
their commission to "preach the gospel to every creature." 

The other James was preserved in Judea to a much later period. His 
martyrdom took place about the year 62. His epistle was published a 
little before his death. As he always resided in Jerusalem, and was provi- 
dentially preserved through various persecutions, he had an opportunity 
of overcoming enmity itself, and abating prejudice in some measure. The 
name of Just was generally given him, on account of his singular inno- 
cence and integrity ; and as he conformed to Jewish customs with more 
than occasional regularity, he was by no means so odious in the eyes of his 
countrymen as the apostle to the Gentiles. But could he have fully over- 
come their enmity, he could not have been faithful to Christ. Many of the 
Jews respected the man, and admired the fruits of the gospel in him. The 
root and principle was still their abhorrence. Paul's escape from Jewish 
malice by appealing to Caesar had sharpened the spirits of this people, and 
they were determined to wreak their vengeance on James ; who was merely 
a Jew, and could plead no Roman exemption. Festus, pro-consul of 
Judea, dying before his successor Albinus arrived, Ananias, the high 
priest, a Sadducee, and a merciless persecutor, held the supreme power in 
the interim. He called a council, before which he brought James and 
some others, and accused them of breaking the law of Moses. But it was 
not easy to procure his condemnation. His holy life had long obtained the 
veneration of his countrymen. 

The great men were uneasy on account of the vast increase of christian 
converts by his means, and endeavored to entangle him, by persuading 
him to mount the pinnacle of the temple, and to speak to the people 
assembled at the time of the passover, and declare his position. James 
being placed aloft, delivered a frank confession of Jesus, as then sitting at 



the right hand of power, and who should come in the clouds of heaven. 
Upon this Ananias and the rulers were highly incensed. To disgrace his 
character was their first intention — this had failed. To murder his person 
was the next — and the attempt was of easy execution. Crying out that 
Justus himself was seduced, they threw him down and stoned him. The 
apostle had strength to fall on his knees and to pray, " I beseech the Lord 
God and Father for them; for they know not what they do." One of the 
priests moved with the scene, cried out, " Cease! what do you mean, he is 
praying for us ? " A person present with a fuller's club beat out his 
brains, and completed his martyrdom. 

The author before named gives this account, which well agrees with 
Josephus's account of the worthy character of James. " These things," 
says he (the miseries of the Jews), " happened to them by way of aven- 
ging the death of James the Just, the brother of Jesus whom they call 
Christ. For the Jews slew him though a very just man." And from the 
same writer we learn that Albinus severely reprimanded Ananias, and soon 
after deprived him of the high-priesthood. 

After the death of James, and the desolation of Jerusalem, the apostles 
and disciples of our Lord, of whom there were many yet alive, gathered 
themselves together with our Lord's kinsman, to appoint a pastor of the 
church of Jerusalem in the room of James. The election fell on Simeon, 
the son of Cleophas, mentioned by St. Luke as one of the two who went to 
Emmaus, who was the brother of Joseph, our Lord's reputed father. We 
shall leave Simeon, the chief pastor of the Jewish church at the end of 
the first century. 

We know from the declaration of our Lord, that the last sign before 
Jerusalem ivas surrounded by armies, was a fearful apostacy of many, and 
a sore persecution ; but we know of no martyrology of that insurrectionary, 
tumultuous time. 

The next persecution was that of Nero. This was the first direct perse- 
cution by Roman authority — the first onset of the red dragon. This, as 
before noticed, was not directed against christians as such ; but the tyrant 
would turn off the odium of burning Rome from himself and fix it on 
them. There is no martyrology of this persecution. We are indebted to 
the judicious and moral historian, Tacitus, for our information, which in 
substance is as follows: 

It Avas about the year A. D. 64 that the city of Rome sustained a 
general conflagration. The emperor Nero, lost as he was to all sense of 
reputation, and hacknied in flagitiousness, was studious to avert the infamy 
of being reckoned the author of this calamity, which was generally imputed 
to him. There was, however, a particular sect of people, so singularly 
distinct from the rest of mankind, and so much hated on account of the 
condemnation which their doctrines and purity of life affixed to all but 
themselves, that they might be calumniated with impunity. These were 
then known at Rome by the name of " christians." Unless we transplant 
ourselves into those times, we can scarcely conceive how odious and con- 
temptible was the appellation. Tacitus calls their religion " a detestable 
superstition, which was at first suppressed, and afterward brake out afresh, 
and spread not only in Judea, the origin of the evil, but through the 
metropolis, also the common sewer in which every thing filthy and 
flagitious meets and spreads." If such a grave, cautious writer as Tacitus 



89 

can thus asperse christians without proof and without moderation, what 
might not be expected from such an abandoned man as Nero ! And why 
should he hesitate to charge them with the fact of burning Rome ? But 
there is no new thing under the sun. It is a fact that philosophers and 
moralists, both ancient and modern, who glory in their goodness and 
attainments have not been behind the most abandoned in reviling chris- 
tianity ; and their weapons have been the same, scurrility, sharpened by 
wit and learning. 

It was now that the red dragon persecuted the church for the first time. 
And those who know man's natural enmity, will rather wonder that it com- 
menced not earlier, than that it raged at length with such dreadful fury. 
" Some persons were apprehended who confessed themselves christians, 
(says Tacitus) and by their evidence, a great multitude afterwards ; and 
they were condemned, not so much for burning Rome, as for being the 
enemies of mankind ! " A declaration worthy of a philosopher. True 
christians, though the friends of their species, cannot allow men who are 
not such to be in favor with God. This would offend such men as Tacitus. 
Their very earnestness in calling on all men to repent and believe the 
gospel, proves in what a dangerous state they are apprehended to be at 
present. All who are not moved by the admonitions of christian charity, 
to flee from the wrath to come, will naturally be disgusted ; and thus the 
purest benevolence will be construed into the most merciless bigotry. 

" Their execution was aggravated with insult. They were covered with 
the skins of wild beasts and torn by dogs, were crucified and set on fire 
that they might serve for lights in the night time. Nero offered his gar- 
dens for this spectacle, and exhibited the games of the circus. People, 
says Tacitus, could not avoid pitying them, base and undeserving as they 
were, because they suffered not for the public good, but to gratify the 
cruelty of a tyrant. It appears from a passage in Seneca, compared with 
Juvenal, that Nero ordered them to be covered with wax and other com- 
bustible materials, and that after a sharp stake had been put under their 
chins to make them continue upright, they were burned alive to give fight 
to the spectators. 

These are the facts, not from a christian martyrologist, anxious to blazon 
the sufferings of christians, but from an avowed enemy, yet one of the most 
judicious and creditable historians of antiquity. We have consulted Gib- 
bon, who agrees with Milner, (Avhom we have followed) except in some 
additional circumstances. Gibbon says, in addition to the above : " The 
gardens of Nero were destined for the melancholy spectacle, which was 
accompanied with a horse race and honored with the presence of the 
emperor, who mingled with the populace in the dress and attitude of a 
charioteer." And then asserts the correctness of the text as follows: "The 
most skeptical criticism is obliged to respect the truth of this extraordinary 
fact, and the integrity of this celebrated passage of Tacitus. The former 
is confirmed by the dilligent and accurate Lactantius, who mentions the 
punishments which Nero inflicted on christians — a set of men who had 
embraced a new and criminal superstition. The latter may be proved by 
the consent of the most ancient manuscripts ; by the inimitable character of 
the style of Tacitus; by his reputation, which guarded his text from 
interpolations or pious frauds, and by the purport of his narrative which 
accused the christians of the most atrocious crimes." 



90 

He must be a skeptic indeed, who will not believe the facts from the 
mouth of such witnesses. Here are two antagonists, and they were under 
some influence opposite to each other. And who, that believes there is in 
the universe such a thino- as a good and evil influence — a diabolical and 
wicked influence — a good and heavenly influence — will doubt under whom 
the respective parties were marshaled — which were the angels of the 
Dragon or Satan, and which the angels of Michael or Christ. We know that 
Gibbon steps aside to bring in the words, " criminal superstitions," "the 
most atrocious crimes" as charged upon christians. Tacitus himself, uses 
no such language, but says, "detestable superstition, "enemies of mankind," 
or he has been thus translated. " The guilt of christians deserved the 
most exemplary punishment." But where in all the edicts against them, 
(except the burning of Rome, of Avhich their most bitter enemies, even 
Gibbon himself acquits them,) are they charged with any offence against 
society or the state ? They would not worship their gods, and everywhere 
insisted that men must repent and believe, and trust in the Lord Jesus 
Christ, or be lost. 

Would the poor man and his numerous disciples say, that christians 
were accused of eating infants, and that their assemblies were scenes of 
debauch and incest ? but where were these offences charged upon them in 
the edicts against them ? and when, and where were they tried and convicted 
of such deeds ? Will men of such refinement take up the old accusations 
of which pagans, since the days of Justin Martyr's apology, have been 
ashamed ? 

That men under the christian name have committed atrocious crimes, 
none will dispute, and Gibbon glories over the discovery, as one that has 
found great spoil. After giving Tacitus' account of the conduct of Nero 
toward the christians he consoles himself thus : — " Those who survey with 
a curious eye the revolutions of mankind, may observe, that the gar- 
dens and circus of Nero on the Vatican, which were polluted with the 
first blood of Christians, have been rendered still more famous, by the 
triumph and by the abuse of the persecuted religion. On the same spot, a 
temple which far surpasses the ancient glories of the capitol, has since been 
erected by the christian pontiffs, who, deriving their claims to universal 
dominion from an humble fisherman of Galilee, have succeeded to the 
throne of the Caesars, giving law r s and extending a spiritual jurisdiction far 
and wide." 

Men in the name of religion have committed atrocious crimes, but never 
anything but praiseworthiness when adhering to its principles. The charge 
against the christians by the pagans in the three first centuries, was atheism 
— forsaking the worship of the gods, and provoking them by their impiety 
to send calamities on the earth. The charge among the Jews, was their 
forsaking the laws of Moses. 

But to return to the persecution. We have no account how the people 
of God behaved under their sufferings. What we know of them, in similar 
scenes, leaves us in no doubt, of their being supported by the power of the 
Holy Ghost. Nor is it credible, that the persecution would be confined to 
Rome, it would naturally spread through the empire. There are inscrip- 
tions found in Spain which show that the gospel had already penetrated 
into that country, and that the church there also had her martyrs. 

This persecution did not last more than three or four years. In the year 



91 

68, the tyrant was himself, by a dreadful exit summoned before the divine 
tribunal. He left the Roman world in a state of extreme confusion. Judea 
partook of it in an eminent degree. Paul and Peter fell in this persecution 
as we learn by Clement's letter, and Ireneus says, he heard the same from 
Poly carp the disciple of St. John. 

The destruction of Jerusalem followed in a few years. From the confu- 
sion of the times and the warning of ihe Savior, the christian Jews departed 
from the city, and inhabited a village beyond Jordan called Pella. The 
church had peace until toward the end of the reign of Domitian. He was 
made emperor 81, and continued till 96. 

Of the persecution under Domitian, we have no account written by any 
christian. But Milner and Gibbon substantially agree in what they have 
gathered from pagan writers of this period. The substance of what they 
relate is as follows : That some persons to wreak their malice on christians, 
by exciting the jealousy of Domitian, informed him of individuals who were 
related to the royal family of David ; Domitian ordered them before him. 
They were related to our Lord, the grandsons of Jude, who was the brother 
of Jesus Christ. The emperor asked them if they were of the family of 
David ; they frankly confessed their royal origin and their relation to the 
Messiah ; but they disdained any temporal views, and professed that His 
kingdom was not of this world, but heavenly ; that its glory should appear 
at the consummation of the world. When they were examined concerning 
their fortune, and occupation, they showed their hands hardened with labor, 
and declared they derived their whole subsistence from the cultivation of a 
farm near the village Coeaba, of the extent of about twenty-four English 
acres. Domitian was satisfied that his throne was in no danger from chris- 
tian ambition, aud the grandsons of Jude had the honor to be dismissed 
with the same sort of derision with which their Savior had been dismissed 
by Herod. Thus had the Son of God provided for his relations ; they were 
poor in this world, but rich in faith, and heirs of his heavenly kingdom. 

As Domitian improved in cruelty, toward the end of his reign, he renewed 
the horrors of Nero's persecution. He put to death many persons accused 
of Atheism, the common charge against christians, on account of their refu- 
sal to worship the Pagan gods. Among these was the consul Flavius 
Clemens, his cousin. As Milner and Gibbon essentially agree, we will 
give the account of the latter. He says, although the obscurity of the 
house of David, might protect them from the suspicions of the t}^rant, the 
present greatness of his own family, alarmed the pusillanimous temper of 
Domitian, which could only be appeased by the death of these Romans 
whom he either feared, hated or esteemed, Of the two sons of his uncle 
Flavius Sabinus, the elder was soon convicted of treasonable intentions, and 
the younger, who bore the name of Flavius Clemens, was indebted for his 
safety to his want of courage and ability. The emperor for a loug time 
distinguished so harmless a kinsman by his favor and protection — bestowed 
on him his own niece Domitilla, adopted the children of that marriage to 
the hope of the succession, and invested their father with the honors of the 
consulship. But he had hardly finished the term of his annual magistracy, 
when for a slight offence he was condemned and executed ; Domitilla was 
banished to a desolate island on the coast of Campania; and sentence of 
death or of confiscation was pronounced against a great number of persons 
who were involved in the same accusation. The guilt imputed to them was 



92 

that of Atheism and Jewish manners', a singular association of ideas, which 
cannot with any propriety be applied except to the christians, as they were 
obscurely and imperfectly viewed by the magistrates and by the writers of 
that period. On the strength of so probable an interpretation, and too 
eagerly admitting the suspicions of a tyrant as an evidence of their honora- 
ble crime, the church has placed both Clemens and Domitilla among its first 
martyrs, and has branded the cruelty of Domitian with the name of the 
second persecution. This persecution (if it deserves that name) was not 
long, as the emperor was assassinated a few months after the death of 
Clemens and the banishment of Domitilla," — p. 301. 

To the foregoing we shall add no remarks. But on the testimony of 
Irsenus, who says he heard from Polycarp, that Domitian threw St. John 
into a cauldron of boiling oil and he came out unharmed, and was afterwards 
banished to the Island of Patmos. As to the oil we have only the testi- 
mony of the fathers. But as to his being " on the Isle called Patmos for 
the word of God, for the testimony of Jesus Christ;" we have bible author- 
ity. And the authority of Gibbon, " that the memory of Domitian was 
condemned, his acts were rescinded, his exiles recalled ;" and the fathers 
say St. John was among those recalled by Nero, Domitian's successor. 

"To believe, to suffer, to love, and not write was the primitive taste," 
and is the hio-hest commendation bestowed on the fathers of the first 
century. And wonderful is the wisdom and prudence of God seen in this 
appointment. Irenseus and others mention with what delight they listened 
to the incidents in the life of the Lord Jesus by Polycarp and others who 
knew him in the flesh, and probably they would rehearse these to a third 
generation. Yet none of the incidents were written, or if written were 
not preserved. And what an adorable providence this was ! Had they 
been preserved they would have been considered as oracular as the Word 
of God, and would have added to what Infinite Wisdom had determined 
sufficient. Hence there is no christian writer of the first century whose 
works have come down to us but Clement's epistle to the Corin- 
thians, and this not authoritative, but he reasons out of the scriptures as 
other good men and ministers. He introduces incidental history of what 
they knew as an illustration of his argument. Not like the idle stories 
ministers in our day invent or relate without authority, for effect. 

Hegesippus, the historian of Palestine, we have noticed, lived in the 
second century. He either gathered his history from Avhat he learned of 
others, or from documents now lost. 

The next persecution in order is that of Trajan, which commenced about 
106. We have alredy noticed the martyrdom of Ignatius, not, however, on 
the subject of martyrs, but to learn the faith, spirit and fruit of primitive 
Christianity. We have also noticed Pliny's letter for the same end, to 
gather what we could from the testimony of a sensible enemy. From this 
letter, and Trajan's answer, we learn that to profess Christianity was a 
capital offence, if confessed or proved against man, woman or child. 
Without retraction, burning incense to the gods and execrating Christ, the 
offender must suffer death. We also learn from Pliny's letter that the 
whole region of his jurisdiction was full of those ready to be offered a 
sacrifice for their faith. The multitude of both sexes thus ready to die 
startled Pliny, who had not been familiar with blood, and surprised his 
master, who was also alarmed, and not willing to lose so many subjects set 



93 

about to devise means to diminish the number of victims. Yet the edict 
must stand — the king can do no wrong. Death or retraction were the only 
alternatives. 



CHAPTER XL 



Gibbon's apology — Tertulian's story — Concluding remark on Trajan's perse- 
cution — The peaceable reign of the Antonines — Marcus' persecution — 
Christian documents — Gibbon's silence — Polycarp — Persecution at 
Smyrna, remarks on — Justin's apology and martyrdom. 

Gibbon's apology may throw light on the subject. He says Trajan's 
answer to Pliny discovers as much regard to justice and humanity as could 
be reconciled with his mistaken notions of religious policy. Instead of 
displaying the implacable zeal of an inquisitor, anxious to discover the most 
minute particulars of heresy, and exulting in the number of his victims, 
the emperor expresses much more solicitude to protect the innocent, than 
to prevent the escape of the guilty. He acknowledges the difficulty of 
any general plan ; but he lays down two salutary rules which often afforded 
relief to the distressed christian. Though he directs the magistrates to 
punish such as are legally convicted, he prohibits them, with a very 
humane inconsistency, from making any enquiries concerning the supposed 
criminals. Nor was the magistrate to receive every kind of information. 
Anonymous charges the emperor rejects as repugnant to the equity of his 
government. 

Gibbon still goes on to shew that Trajan would have the christians have 
a fair trial. Their accusers must meet them face to face, prove their 
charges, or be exposed to disgrace and suffer punishment. 

How blind and infatuated the dragon's angels are, when they would 
conceal their deformity, and talk of justice, equity or humanity ! " Afford 
relief and support to the distressed christians." In what this relief ? Why 
when he is arraigned before the judge, and accused of being a christian, 
he may plead not guilty, and put it upon his accuser to sustain his charges, 
and bring his own witnesses to prove he is not a christian. What distressed 
christian would be relieved by such a mock of justice ? The hypocrite 
and apostate might find relief. But what real christian will plead not 
guilty, when accused of being a christian, unless, overcome by the shock, 
to deny his Lord, as Peter did ? Would Peter have been less distressed 
had he had liberty of a trial and been acquitted of the charge of being a 
disciple of his Lord ? 

After expatiating with a great flourish of eloquence on the alleviating 
circumstances to the christians, in this death edict of Trajan, in protecting 
them from the tumultuary outrages to which they were exposed on the 
great festivals of the pagans, among many other things, he says : — 



94 

" While the numerous spectators, crowned with garlands, perfumed with 
incense, purified with the blood of victims, surrounded with altars and 
statues of their tutelar deities, resigned themselves to the enjoyment of 
pleasure, which they considered as an essential part of their religious 
worship, they recollected that the christians alone opposed the gods of 
of mankind, and they, by their ajbsence and melancholy on these solemn 
festivals, seemed to insult or lament the public felicity. It was not among 
a licentious and exasperated populace, that the forms of legal proceedings 
could be observed. It was not in the ampitheatre, stained with the blood 
of wild beasts and gladiators, that the voice of compassion could be heard. 
The impatient clamors of the multitude denounced the christians as the 
enemies of the gods and men; doomed them to the severest tortures, 
and venturing to accuse, by name, some of the most distinguished of the 
new sectaries, required with irresistible vehemency that they should be 
instantly apprehended and cast to the lions. The provincial governors 
and magistrates who presided in the public spectacles, were usually inclined 
to gratify the inclination, and to appease the rage of the people, by the 
sacrifice of a few obnoxious victims." 

And what then ? what would be expected after such a flourish ? " But 
the wisdom of the emperors protected the church from the dangers of 
these tumultuous clamors." But what emperors? Adrian and Antoninus 
Pius, who did not make simply professing Christianity an offence against the 
state, and forbade christians being persecuted as such. But Trajan, from 
beginning to end made death the penalty of owning or being proved a chris- 
tian. All the exposedness of the accuser was, that he might accuse a 
person who would not confess, and whom he could not prove to be a chris- 
tian ; then he might be disgraced or punished as a slanderer of his brother 
pagan. This, we know they did, not only through Trajan's reign, but after 
his death until Adrian's edict forbade christians being molested as christians. 

But another alleviating circumstance, Gibbon notices for the "relief and 
support of distressed Christians.'" The original edict fixed the death pen- 
alty on all who confessed or were proven to have been christians, without 
any provision of escape on retraction. So Pliny, understood the law, and 
he suggested with deference to his master, that could such a provision be 
inserted that repentance should restore the offender, who had been found 
guilty of Christianity, he doubted not many might be saved. Trajan con- 
sented to receive the suggestion of his servant, and in his clemency granted 
forgiviness and restoration to the returning penitents, who had been over- 
taken with the fault of Christianity. On which Gibbon remarks : — 

" Punishment was not the inevitable consequence of conviction, and the 
christian whose guilt was clearly proven, by the testimony of witnesses, or 
even by confession, still retained in his own hands the alternative of life or 
death. It was not so much the past offence, as the actual resistance which 
excited the indignation of the magistrate. He was persuaded that he offer- 
ed an easy pardon, since if they consented to cast a few grains of incense 
upon the altar, they were dismissed from the tribunal in safety and with 
applause. It was esteemed the duty of a humane judge, to endeavor to re- 
claim, rather than to punish those deluded enthusiasts. Varying his tone ac- 
cording to the age, the sex, or the situation of the prisoners, he frequently 
condescended to set before their eyes, every circumstance which could ren- 
der life more pleasing, or death more terrible ; and to solicit, nay, to entreat 



95 

them, that they would show some compassion to themselves, — to their 
families, and to their friends. If threats and persuasions proved ineffectual, 
he had often recourse to violence ; the scourge and the rack were called in 
to supply the deficiency of argument, and every sort of cruelty was employed 
to subdue such inflexible, and, as it appeared to the pagans, such criminal 
obstinacy. 

Here we see it literrally fulfilled " he had two horns like a lamb, and he 
spake as a dragon" " The ancient apologists of Christianity, (says Gibbon) 
have censured, with equal truth and severity, the irregular conduct of 
their persecutors, who, contrary to every principle of judicial proceeding, 
admitted the use of torture, in order to obtain, not a confession, but a denial 
of the crime which was the object of the inquiry." — p. 302-303. 

In conclusion on this persecution we would say, that no christian account 
of this event, except the very brief notice in the martyrulogy of Ignatius, 
is extant. The following story is found in the writings of Tertulian. He 
says, " that Arrius Antoninus in Asia, persecuted vehemently, and the whole 
body of christians wearied with constant hardships, presented themselves 
before his tribunal. He ordered a few of them to execution and said to the 
rest, " miserable people, if you choose death, you may find precipices and 
halters enough." It would appear that the christians meant to disarm the 
persecutor by the sight of their numbers. All the difficulty in this account 
of Tertulian is, to what period he refers, as that is not noted. He introduces 
it as a piece of history well known in his day, yet it is well known that an 
Antoninus was very intimate with Pliny. And this account exactly agrees 
with his that the christians were very numerous in all parts of his jurisdic- 
tion, and ready to suffer death for their religion, and that the number of the 
victims startled him, and Trajan seems impressed with the same view, and 
labors hard to diminish the number of the martyrs. And another fact we 
have incidentally is, that a little time before Ignatius was thrown to the 
beasts, he heard the joyful news that the persecution had ceased at Antioch. 
The conclusion seems irresistible that Trajan thought that he was the man 
that could conquer the christians, as he had conquered in the field : and 
that he intended to exterminate and extinguish the hated sect, and to this 
end he commenced a simultaneous attack on them throughout the Roman 
world. 2d. He found the christians every where prepared to receive him 
— after the first shock had cleared the church of stonj*- ground professors, 
and those who loved the world, its honors, and friendships, more than Christ, 
he found the remainder invulnerable. Trajan and his angels, were willing 
to retire from the unequal contest, the best way they could, and save their 
reputation — without repealing their powerless edict, or confessing themselves 
beaten. 

Perhaps in no period of the existence of the church, has she been more 
pure in doctrine, more holy in practice, or more signally exercising that faith, 
which overcomes the world, than .at this time, without doubt the beginning 
of the period of the first seal. 

The next forty-four years, the reign of the Antonines, was a time of 
remarkable peace and prosperity to the world (except the Jews) — the 
church had peace. In the first years of Adrian, the pagans attempted to 
revive the persecuting edict of Trajan; but on a representation to that 
emperor, he published a rescript forbidding christians being molested on 
account of their faith, abstracted from any other offence. Another attempt 



9(3 

was made after his death to revive Trajan's edict in its true spirit, but 
Antoninus Pius put this down with more decision than even Adrian. Both 
of these documents have been given. By them we understand that chris- 
tians were not to be molested as such, but if they were convicted of any 
crime against society, or the state, their christian profession would expose 
them to severer penalties than were inflicted on others for the same 
offence — even to capital punishment. A salutary restraint, leading them 
to be watchful over one another and strict in their discipline, that offences 
should be rebuked; and the incorrigible cast out, that the whole body 
should not be reproached and exposed, and also to keep up a marked 
distinction between true christians and heretics whose lives were often 
scandalous. But Marcus Antoninus who succeeded Pius in the year 161, 
was during all his reign of 19 years an implacable persecutor of the chris- 
tians. How, under the advantages enjoyed by Marcus to become acquain- 
ted with the innocent and harmless lives of christians ; with the examples 
of his predecessors, whom he must have revered, and with whom he had 
intimate acquaintance, as he was not a young man when he ascended the 
throne ; how it happened that he was a bitter persecutor, is a question we 
shall not now attempt to solve, but may consider it hereafter. For the 
present we will state the fact of his being a persecutor, and some of its 
effects in different parts of the empire. And here we are not in want of 
documents, christian and authentic. Our difficulty will be to condense 
them within the compass of our design, and retain a faithful synopsis of 
the spirit and works of the combatants. The dragon and his angels con- 
tending with Michael and his ano-els. And here Gibbon leaves the field. 
In his chapter on the conduct of the Roman government toward the chris- 
tians from Nero to Constantine, he throws Marcus Antoninus into the 
shade. He only notices incidentally his miraculous deliverance in the 
Marcomann war, when a storm of thunder and rain relieved his fam- 
ishing army from perishing with thirst, and frightened away the besieging 
barbarians, which he attributes to the providence of Jupiter and the inter- 
position of Mercury. During the whole course of his reign, Gibbon says, 
" Marcus despised the christians as a philosopher, and punished them as a 
sovereign." 

With his usual eloquence, Gibbon descants on the singular fatality that 
christians should endure so much suffering under a virtuous prince, from 
whom they alone had experienced injustice: so they alone were protected 
by the lenity of Commodus, and that through the influence of the celebra- 
ted Marcia, the most favored of his concubines, who, at length, contrived the 
murder of her imperial lover. Gibbon himself thinks she could not rec- 
oncile her conduct with the precepts of the gospel, yet hoped her being the 
patroness of christians, would atone for the frailty of her sex. At any 
rate under the protection of Marcia the christians passed in safety the 
thirteen years of a cruel tyrant." — p. 311. 

This is the substance of all the help we can obtain from Gibbon of the 
nineteen years of the persecution of Marcus, and this from one who is 
disposed to believe that the persecutions related to have taken place in the 
first three centuries, are mostly fictions of the monks and fathers of the 
fourth and fifth centuries. We confess our disappointment for we value 
him as a real helper. 



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